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Democracy without socialism is only the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, and socialism without democracy is only the dictatorship of the bureaucratic class. But for citizens, even a state dominated by finance capital is better than a state with a bureaucratic capital monopoly, where the former replaces all relations with wealth, while the latter wants to maintain both capital monopoly and power, and is afraid of being seen to do so. Want to eat human flesh and blood and have to sneak around.
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***
April 1986
Tregubova came over to put down the report for Romanov, and he looked up and asked, "How have you been?"
"Fine," she said. "You're looking very elegant today." "Thank you, I have something very important to deal with today, and I wanted to ask you first." Romanov gestured to the chair and said, "Sit down, I want to ask you what you think of Soviet bureaucrats?"
"That's not a good trait to have."
"I know," he said. "You understand it's dangerous, and if their people are against us, we could be in danger or even in jail."
"I'm not worried about jail," she said, "I'm worried about you."
"Don't be," he said. "I have a great deal of freedom." Romanov picked up a pen and wrote some names and said, "I so come to ask you about this matter to get an opinion, I trust you."
"Of course," she said. "It's not everyday that the boss trusts a subordinate's opinion." She grinned. "Especially not on something as important as this."
"What do you think of this me?"
"You a great leader," she said. "The way you've led the country, I have no choice but to respect you."
"Thank you," he said. "And I think you're great; you're a real asset."
"This is what I wanted to hear," she said.
"So, let's talk about ways to get bureaucratic support. I want to bring back the term system for local leaders, but not have the bureaucrats oppose me." He pointed to the names. "These people are all too happy to comply with my edicts, but they're still going to have to go through the system."
"You could always threaten to expose them," Tregubova said.
"That's a threat I could definitely make good on," he said.
"That's one way to go about it," she said.
"I don't think that's necessary." Romanov closed his eyes and said, "It would offend them, and they are vindictive. I can negotiate their withdrawal from the body, but guarantee their privileges and treatment and let them appoint a successor."
Tregubova said, "You could also just remove them."
"That's much riskier," he said. "It's not just their privileges that I need protected, but also their lives."
"What's the difference?"
"The difference is, if I killed them, then I would have to do it myself. If they're removed, then they'll be at the mercy of the system." Romanov explained again, "They are a group of a bunch of connections, one for all the glory and one for all the losses. And replacing them with new people will also oppose us, because the new generation of bureaucrats is more corrupt and ambitious than these old people."
"I can see why you'd think that," Tregubova said.
"Do you see any other way?"
"No," she said.
"Then we'll have to risk offending them." Romanov stood up and said, "I have a meeting, and I'll be back in an hour."
Tregubova said, "What's this meeting about?"
"The military reform thing, sit here and wait for me."
Romanov went out and Tregubova turned to herself and said, "The way he acts, you'd think he was running a dictatorship, instead of a democracy."
"He's never going to be a dictator, even if he has all the power," said Katarina. "He's too principled."
"I still don't like it," she said.
"Like what?" asked Katarina.
"He's giving too much power to the generals and the bureaucrats, instead of us." She sat down next to Katarina and said, "And I'm tired of being the second fiddle."
"Oh, come on," said Katarina, "We all know that you're his favorite."
"That's true," she said.
"If you want to change things, then go talk to him," said Katarina. "He listens to you."
She considered and said, "I think I will."
In reality Gorbachev did so, and as a result the young reformists he promoted immediately created new means of corruption based on the enjoyment of the old privileges. Even Gorbachev used the anti-corruption campaign to purge his political opponents while building luxury villas (such as the luxury mansion in the town of Flos on the Crimean peninsula).
Gorbachev, who was conned by the bureaucracy and the aura and privileges of the top Soviet leader, was almost ignorant of the Soviet reality, while the praise of Western leaders and Western media (especially Thatcher and Reagan's praise and gifts to him) gave him the illusion.
Previous Soviet leaders would not have made this fatal mistake. Even Brezhnev would not have been stupid enough to believe the enemy of the other camp and do what it said, because the enemy wanted him to do so.
And it was a fatal mistake of Gorbachev and the KGB to believe that the Soviet Union could integrate into the European and American dominated political and economic system through reforms (especially political reforms) and to support wishfully the liberals and nationalists of the Eastern European countries and franchises to suppress the Eastern European conservatives and franchisee bureaucracies.
***
Meanwhile, Romanov walked into the conference room to meet with Nikolai Konstantinovich Baibakov, chairman of the USSR State Economic Planning and Development Committee, and Lev Voronin, deputy chairman of the State Planning Committee.
"Please have a seat, Comrades," said Romanov. "We're going to discuss the future of the USSR economy."
The two men sat down and Romanov said, "We've already started discussing these issues internally, and came up with a few solutions to our current problems." He put a manila folder on the table. "Please take a look at this. Then we'll discuss how we should proceed."
Baibakov and Voronin read through the documents from the folder, and when they were done, Baibakov said, "I see that you have a few suggestions for our current problems, Comrade Romanov. Please tell us about them."
"The first and most important thing," he began, "Prices must rise to a reasonable level. The direct consequences of the Soviet intervention in the economy to lock in prices have become apparent, as the nominal price of beef and bread in the state stores is actually cheaper than the raw materials! The cost of locking in prices was that the underground black market had replaced the state stores as the retail market. And the Soviet Union kept raising wages so that the currency was over-issued and there was no industry to protect it as a reservoir."
"In other words, we have inflation," said Baibakov.
"Absolutely," said Romanov. "While prices have been going up, so has the budget deficit. When the currency is over-inflated, prices are actually going up, and the state cannot tax income or goods. When Germany occupied France, the black market became the de facto economy of France, until the government could reestablish control over the economy. The same thing is happening here. The underground black market has become a de facto retail market, and to destroy it would instead create a real black market. Instead, we should gradually raise prices."
"This is also the opinion we support, the problem is that the people have already gotten used to the prices remaining the same, and too much of an increase will cause the people to panic and object."
"That's why we must use slow, calculated means to bring the prices up in a controlled way. This plan of yours sounds reasonable, but it could backfire. If we go too fast, the people will get upset, and there will be a riot. We need to find a happy medium."
"Well, then, what do you suggest?"
"I suggest a 15 percent increase for food and a 10 percent increase for other goods, and a 5 percent increase for both services and the currency. These are reasonable numbers, and will still allow for a more prosperous, albeit a slightly more austere, society." said Romanov.
"It's too fast, food prices should rise no more than 3% and other commodity prices should not exceed 5%, too fast the people will demonstrate like in the Novochersk incident."
"I'm not arguing for that, but I think we need to be prepared for any possibility. This is a long term project that will take some time, and we cannot be too hasty. We can't be in too much of a hurry. We should have prices rise 80% in 15 years, 4% to 5% per year. I think that's reasonable."
"No, too fast. OK, 1% increase in food and 2% in other goods, and a 1% increase in the currency. That will be reasonable. I will take these issues to the Politburo and get their approval for the new policies. It is important that they approve of this course of action, and for that reason, I need your opinions on some other matters. For instance, the United States is currently pursuing a policy that threatens the very existence of the Soviet Union. What are your thoughts on this?"
"Our thoughts on the American imperialist aggression are well known. It is for this reason that it is dangerous for Leningrad to open its economy to the outside world."
Romanov frowned, sure enough the Planning and Economic Committee would still be unhappy with such measures.
"However, it seems that some of the ideas being proposed by the Americans are not so bad," offered Romanov. "And we need to trade goods and technology with international markets, but of course, I don't mean that the Soviet Union needs market-oriented reforms like China and Vietnam. My idea is that the Soviet Union needs a harbor for economic exchange with the outside world and a reservoir for the financial economy to prevent the retail market and manufacturing industry from taking on the excess currency."
"So let me get this straight," said Baibakov. "You want to put the Soviet Union on a trade-correction course, but only to the extent that it does not become too market-oriented. Am I correct in stating so?"
"Yes, that is correct," said Romanov.
"Well, I don't agree with this. This is a very dangerous path you're proposing to take, comrade. The problem with the Soviet economy is that it is completely integrated with the state, and the state has a tendency to get into unsustainable, or even ruinous, activities. Moreover, the Soviet Union is now the second largest economy with an urban rate of over 70%, not the old Russian Empire with a literacy rate of 28% and a population that was 81% peasant. This is the exact sort of problem that capitalist countries experience when they go down the road of state-sponsored industrialization, and it usually leads to economic catastrophe. In the words of Adam Smith, the problem with a society dependent upon 'the intervention of the state' is that, in the long run, the '"interference" of the state never benefits anyone, except the politician who wields the intervention weapon.'"
"This is quite a reduction of the capitalist argument for laissez-faire," said Romanov. "I understand that the cost of industrial construction and production in the high latitudes of the Soviet Union is much greater than in the tropical countries. If it were not for our Bolsheviks' forced industrialization it would have been impossible to produce a whole system of industrial production, and the Soviet market would have been de-industrialized. You and the other comrades of the planned economy can trust that I will stick to the planned economy of the Soviet Union, that the opening of the Baltic economy will only provide a trade outlet, and that the financial economy will not occupy 20% of the Soviet economy."
"Well, yes. I'm sure you will. But please keep in mind, that for the remaining 80% of the country, this will be a very traumatic change. The plans must be prepared to address these issues."
"Of course. The plans will be adjusted accordingly. However, I don't think a change in the system will be necessary. The current system is flawed, but I believe that it can be corrected using the tools of the Soviet system. Why not cut both?''
"Well, the Soviet Union cannot afford to raise the living standards of the working class by increasing military spending. But we're fine without increasing the military budget, and cutting it would make the military unhappy." Romanov responded wearily that military spending simply accounted for a larger portion of the overall economy, and that it could be controlled.
"Well, I believe it," said Baibakov, getting up from the table. "I believe you, comrade. And I hope you're right."
The two men shook hands, and then Romanov took his leave.
***
Romanov went back to her office to tell what had happened.
"I don't think comrade Baibakov believes that," said Tregubova, looking pointedly at Romanov.
"Soviet bureaucrats are smart and not so smart." Romanov took off his gloves and threw them on the table, saying, "Dealing with them is a thing that can hasten one's death."
"It's obvious that he doesn't," she said.
"It's not so much that he doesn't believe it," said Romanov, "It depends on whether this thing will hurt their interests, for example, Marshal Ogarkov's informational military doctrine everyone knows is correct, but no one supports him still wants him to retire from the body and retire."
"I see what you mean."
"The point is, bureaucracies are like people. You have to keep them happy if you want to keep breathing."
"But they're not people."
Romanov gave a laugh and said, "That's very true, the working man is the man, and there exist two Soviet Union. Well, I'm too tired."
"Do you think this'll be over soon?" she asked.
"I hadn't really thought about it," said Romanov, "There are things I need to do, and there are things no one needs to do. Do you understand?" He closed his eyes and sighed. "Sometimes, I think I'm the only one who understands these days."
"I suppose that's true," she said sympathetically. "No matter what, I will always be there for you."
He looked back at her, and said, "And for me, you."
"Well, I've been thinking." Tregubova compliments in a staccato manner, "If you are so sure, why do you still serve the Soviet Union? Why not privatize or demutualize? You could make a lot of money."
"Money doesn't make a man happy," said Romanov, "Only a dead man can be happy."
"True." She sighed and said, "But is it worth risking your life for? I mean, it's not like you're working for the good of anyone but yourself."
"You're wrong there." He pointed to his chest, and said, "I work for the good of the Soviet Union."
"You're a fool if you think that."
"Maybe, but I'm a patriot." He took her hands in his and said, "I will pursue personal enjoyment but that doesn't mean I will betray the Soviet people. And I love your soul and your flesh."
She smiled at him and looked into his eyes. "I love your soul and your flesh too," she said. "Communism is just a lie and an excuse, so I want you to hold power like Brezhnev, and I will help you manage concrete affairs."
"As you wish," he said, "But I will be a good leader, for the nation, and for you."
"And for me," she said, squeezing his hand. Romanov stared at her and thought, You'll be my Timoshenko.
Romanov's first few months in charge of the Soviet Union were surprisingly quiet. Relations with the West were tense, but there was no open warfare. No need.
Although Soviet military spending was staggering, when Gorbachev announced Soviet fiscal spending in 1989, the Soviet military budget was 77.3 billion rubles, and that was despite Gorbachev's drastic spending cuts. And in 1985 Richard Kaufman, an expert on the Joint Economic Committee of the U.S. Congress, said that the CIA indicated that Soviet military spending was between 115 billion and 125 billion rubles.
If the CIA did not deliberately exaggerate its projections, this suggests that Soviet armaments were in full wartime state. And prior to 1989 Soviet claims of military spending were so low as to be implausible.
As long as Romanov had to first secure the political support of the Soviet bureaucracy.
If the CIA did not deliberately exaggerate its projections, this suggests that Soviet armaments were in full wartime state. And prior to 1989 Soviet claims of military spending were so low as to be implausible.
As long as Romanov had to first gain the political support of the Soviet bureaucracy. Using power would have weakened government authority and credibility, and he should have used it carefully and cautiously. Instead of clearing out Romanov's forces in a few months first, as Gorbachev did in history, (the historical Romanov was excellent in economic construction, but for politics and people it was hard to say. It is surprising that there were no loyalists tied to the same chariot in Leningrad for more than a decade of operation...not to mention, the drunken appearance at the Hungarian Central Conference in March 1985, and the famous wedding rumors.) And then quickly used the Uzbek cotton case under Andropov to cleanse the Brezhnev family from the Uzbek Soviet, remove Usmanhoyaev and fake Churbanov's embezzlement of 650,000 rubles (actually less than 100,000 rubles), and have the First Secretary of the Central Asian Soviet retire and appoint Slavs to maintain rule.
As a result, it is obvious what you would do if you were the first secretary of the Soviet Union to serve as the first secretary for more than ten years and were forced to retire by the new Gorbachev, whose successor was actually appointed by him as a Slav, what would you do?
Romanov is clear that the incitement of local nationalism to allow ethnic hatred triggered demonstrations to force Gorbachev to appoint a local as first secretary. If such a possibility existed, then it was a certainty that Gorbachev would have been very displeased.
Gorbachev is a refined egoist. Very shrewd people do not solve problems to take responsibility, so he suppressed the Almaty incident and put the blame on the army. To set targets for bureaucratic groups that cannot be met and then purge them, and to incite nationalism in the constituent countries to create conflicts. This way, he can shift the blame and the attention away from himself. The opposition was then removed through economic and political reforms, and people were drawn in through pro-people behavior. Almost all the leaders of the Soviet Union ministry when Gorbachev came to power were removed around 1986, especially the Planning and Economic Council.
(Just using power affects credibility, and if you don't have the will to resist power you will fall. For example, Gaddafi and Ceausescu, Gaddafi and Ceausescu would have had much better historical ratings if they had died in 1979 and 1974, respectively. Unfortunately, time and power made them turn their backs on their original intent to improve the lives of their people.) It is easy to see that after the execution of Voznesensky and Saburov until 1965, the Planning and Economic Committee showed a highly erratic removal. It was also during this period that the economic growth rate of the Soviet five-year plan began to slowly decline.
Since the Cold War period spanned more than forty years, we cannot judge the Soviet-US race in terms of a single time economy.
GDP of the top seven countries in the world in 1975
U.S. 1,684.9 billion
Soviet Union 685.9 billion
Japan 521,542 billion
Germany 4,906.37 billion (calculated jointly by the two Germanies)
France 360.832 billion
United Kingdom 241,757 million
Italy 2276.96 billion
The top 15 GNP (Gross National Product, in US dollars) data of the world in 1986
|country/region|continent|GNP(USD)|% of the world
World||14.0 trillion (14,001,469,191,761)
1. |United States|Americas|4.59 trillion|32.7688%
2. |Japan|Asia|1.68 trillion|12.0217%
3. Soviet Union|Asia|1.38 trillion|9.8%
4. Germany|Europe|873.568 billion|6.2391%
5. France|Europe|645.34 billion|4.6091%
6. UK|Europe|579.535 billion|4.1391%
7. Italy|Europe|530.781 billion|3.7909%
8. Canada|America|3801.56 billion|2.7151%
9. China|Asia|3313.39 billion|2.3665%
10. India|Asia|250.406 billion|1.7884%
11. Brazil|America|248.979 billion|1.7782%
12. Spain|Europe|2084.44 billion|1.4887%
13. Australia|Oceania|1967.86 billion|1.4055%
14. Iran|Asia|1772.08 billion|1.2656%
15. |Netherlands|Europe|1703.09 billion|1.2169%
The Soviet economy was not at the point of total collapse in 1985, but its diplomatic environment and commodity supply was terrible. (Even so, it was no worse than it was in the 1990s.) It was only at the time of its dissolution that the Soviet Union dropped to the seventh largest economy in the world.
When evaluating the Soviet economy, people invariably fall into the misconception that the country is seen as a whole or even personified. Different periods of a country with different governments and classes are completely different, and the overall economy of the country does not reflect the standard of living of a single individual. The Soviet Union was neither a utopia nor a hell, which is why its economy presented an anomaly.
First of all, the root cause of the economic difficulties the Soviet Union was in had little to do with oil shocks (the lowest international oil prices in the 1980s were similar to the highest prices in the 1970s), grain imports (the Soviet Union mainly imported feed grains to feed livestock such as cattle and sheep for food and raw materials for production, such as wool for textiles.) There is little relationship.
And the political system and planned economy in the Gorbachev political reform directly abolished the Soviet republican system and the transition to a market economy also shows that the core problem is not.
Think about the problem of stagnation in the Soviet economy from the eighth five-year plan?
When analyzing the situation, a number of factors must be considered. The most important factor is the supply of and demand for labor. The most important basic elements of economic growth are the working population and the market (here the working population does not only mean manual workers), and the same as the social environment, the economic environment of a country is the survival of the fittest, and only the system that is most compatible with the economic base of the country can exist until a change in the economic base of the country occurs, not the most advanced system can exist.
For example, Afghanistan's economic production is mainly dominated by livestock, and agricultural productivity is only at the level of nomadic countries. So is it possible to establish a modern political system under such a society?
The answer is no. To progress, it would require a working population that is educated, modern, and productive. This is why the Soviet Union and the United States are doomed to fail in Afghanistan because the Afghan economy has not yet industrialized with the environment to become a consumer market.
You can also look at the matter from a supply and demand perspective. The market for a product can be influenced by a variety of societal, political, and economic factors. Many times, a society will put pressure to change the government in order to change the market. For example, the United States put pressure on the Taliban regime in the 1990s to legalize the production and sale of marijuana. However, the attempt was futile.
The issue of consumerism is also a complicated one. The Soviet Union did not control enough population and markets, and India's huge low-cost human resources and political stance could have ensured the internal circulation of the Soviet economy if Brezhnev could have invested in the Indian market.
Without a doubt, the Soviet Union had the capacity to be a first world country. But because of a gross misalignment of forces, it was doomed to fail.
Romanov says "
"In case of needing military industry, some economic industries are given to the integrated chain of Eastern European countries. At the same time, investment and trade India and Southeast Asia."
"However, these are not the solutions to our problems. We need to change the structure of our economy to meet the demands of the 21st century. We cannot rely on a system that is decades behind the times. We need to work with the global economy."
"What we need, comrade, is a system that is modern, efficient, and is able to guarantee the rights and needs of the proletariat."
omanov leans back to relax and falls asleep.
What the hell did you just say?
"However, these are not the solutions to our problems."
"We need to change the structure of our economy to meet the demands of the 21st century." He closed his eyes and just waited until 1988 when Saddam's invasion of Kuwait triggered the third oil crisis and international oil prices rebounded before waiting for Reagan to step down. Tregubova was silent.
The market for computer and related products is dominated by the United States, Japan, and EU member countries, while China is still dominated by its manufacturing base.
However, in the 1970s the United States was in a deep quagmire, with inflation rates of more than 10%, the failure of then President Jimmy Carter to solve economic problems, and the oil crisis which gave the Soviet top brass a false judgment that international oil prices would remain high and bet on the petrodollar. As a result, Reagan came to power in 1981, and the U.S. economy was thus redeveloped. Although the neoliberal economy he supported had some pitfalls, such as the U.S. turning from the largest creditor to the largest debtor, etc., he was still successful at the time.
Neoliberalism is a good thing, and while Romanoff could not sell off state enterprises with forceful repression of workers like Thatcher, there were methods that could be used, such as international investment in African and Asian countries to build economic industries and improve the welfare of their citizens through the return funds from international investment. The advantage of this method is that it does not require taxation of the rich in the country to redistribute wealth leading to capital flight, but also allows the entire population to enjoy welfare benefits, but the problem is that technology and industry have to be ahead of the countries being invested in, and the population is not as large as India and China. And it will cause a similar situation of class exploitation in a country, the developed and advanced countries continue to develop and advanced, while poor and backward countries are reduced to raw materials and cheap resources market. (Cheap resources include people in some backward countries)
But for Romanov, it is necessary to ensure that the Soviet people have enough consumer goods and retirement pensions, the exploitation of foreigners is better than the exploitation of their own people? In addition to find the distribution of benefits to make all classes can accept the distribution of benefits program? Can not be like Gorbachev threw the rules are exclusive, or then everyone does not comply with the rules of the game when Romanov can go to the death.
The question he needs to ask himself is, why are some people willing to accept a system where a tiny minority of the population is able to amASS a disproportionate share of the resources? It is desire, which swallows up ideals and truth.
Romanov sighed and reopened his eyes to stare at Tregubova.
Romanov says "How do you feel about being my secretary?"
Tregubova blinked at Romanov, and her eyes dropped down to his bare chest. She felt confused, and a bit disgusted with herself for being confused.
"I... I'm not sure."
Frustrated, he put the gloves on the table and said, "Tell me how you really feel and don't let me down."
Tregubova looked at the floor for a second. She felt a mixture of anger, embarrassment, and desire. She looked up at Romanov and said, "I... I want you to fire me."
Romanov closed his eyes and said nothing for a moment. Finally, he said, "No."
Tregubova's face colored and she said, "I... I want to go home."
"No, guess the reason I'm not firing you." Romanov stared at the glove thinking of things to say, maybe it would be better to tease her?
Tregubova looked away from Romanov and stared down at the table in front of her. She picked up one of the gloves and put it on.
Romanov stood his ground.
Romanov says "What do you think you're capable of? Is it a waste of time?"
Tregubova stared at the table in front of her for a few seconds.
"I am not worth anything."
"That's true." Romanov said, "You're an incompetent piece of shit, but I might still need you. Can you understand that?"
Tregubova lifted her head and said, "No."
"So, you're going to comply with the rules and you're going to do a good job. You're going to do as I say without complaint. Am you understood?"
Tregubova looked down again. She felt her face redden and her fists clench.
"Yes."
"Good."
"But..."
"No buts." He said forcefully, "Whose pet are you? To whom do you belong? By whom is your spirit governed?"
"I... I belong to no one and no one is supposed to..." She felt her face redden and her fists clench.
"Your mind. Who dominates your thoughts? Who do you serve?"
"You."
Romanov laughed and asked, "Why do you belong to whom? Whom do you praise?"
Tregubova looked up at him. She felt her anger rise up at him, and she glared at him with a mixture of repulsion, confusion, and anger.
Tregubova looked away, a bit frightened.
"Say it."
"Say what?"
"Why do you serve whom? Why are you here? You know why. Say it, you coward."
"I... I don't know."
"Don't lie to me."
Tregubova stared down at the tabletop. She felt tears well up in her eyes.
Romanov stared at the woman for a moment. He lowered his head. He said, "Say, this is one way to control. It's the only way to cement our relationship."
"You."
"Why?"
"Because you're the one I love."
Romanov smiled. He stared at Tregubova for a few seconds more. Finally, he said, "I love you too, come over to me and take a deep breath and look at me. I need you to give yourself to Me, including your soul."
Tregubova hesitated for a moment, then she rose and walked over to Romanov. She put her hands on his shoulders and looked into his eyes.
"I give myself to you, completely and irrevocably."
"Yes."
"I am thine."
Romanov smiled. He took a pistol with a silencer out of the drawer and handed it to her, saying, "Shoot yourself."
Tregubova's eyes widened in shock and she stared at the gun.
"Go ahead, shoot me."
She stared at the gun. Panic seized her.
"Shoot me."
Tregubova looked away. She put a hand on the gun and took a deep breath. She stared down the barrel at her chest and squeezed her eyes shut and pulled the trigger.
There was a click and the gun was empty.
Tregubova stood, and she looked at Romanov. He was standing too, his eyes unblinking.
Tregubova said, "You tricked me."
"No, I'm testing you. How do you feel?" Romanov asked with a smile as he received the pistol in his drawer.
"I... I feel like I've been tricked."
Romanov laughed. "You're learning, I want you to be absolutely loyal to me. I cannot trust you without it. I'm giving you a second chance, do you accept it?"
Tregubova felt her face redden.
"Yes."
Romanov says "Very well, there is no united women's organization in the Soviet Union, and I am afraid that something will go wrong in the future. Next year, I intend to set up a Soviet women's organization and make you its first secretary."
Tregubova started to say something, but Romanov held up a hand.
"No arguments, I'm fully aware that you're n
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