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The stability of a country lies in whether its constitutional government is stable or not, and the Soviet Union had too many problems left over from its early power struggles, especially the Stalinist purges of the Red Scare that had an unmistakable impact on the Soviet Union (1934 was a turning point in Stalin's way of governing).

The other two long-ruling leaders, Khrushchev and Brezhnev, both had a fatal problem; they both seized power by coup d'état. This led to the need for them both to overturn the policies of their predecessors to maintain the legitimacy of their rule. This was most apparent with Nikita Khrushchev's policy of de-Stalinization, a policy that relied on the support of the intelligentsia to overturn the excesses of Joseph Stalin's rule. This support was not unwavering, and with the rise of the New Left in the 1960s, dissent among intellectuals grew. Brezhnev came to power and then reversed some of Khrushchev's policies and partially restored Stalin's historical image. He also took the opportunity to purge his predecessor's loyalists, which included many of the most prestigious academics of the day. The result was that the intelligentsia no longer had a strong voice in favor of Brezhnev's or Khrushchev's policies, and thus the legitimacy of their rule was undermined.

At the same time, Khrushchev and Brezhnev's hegemonic military interventions against other sovereign states seriously damaged the image of the Soviet Union and socialism vis-à-vis the world. This led to the partial failure of the ideological struggle of the Cold War. In the decades to follow, the USSR lost the ideological battles, and those victories that it did achieve came at a high cost.

They solved far fewer social problems than the social contradictions they created, and more importantly, Khrushchev's and Brezhnev's reversal of their predecessors' policies not only destabilized Soviet constitutionalism, but also undermined resource building.

For example, Khrushchev's rise to power curtailed Stalin's program of natural transformation of state projects for the construction of reservoirs in the southern regions of the Soviet Union (Volga, North Caucasus, Ukraine) (the construction of eight state mega-forest reserves to improve the ecological environment, prevent soil erosion, dust storms, and agricultural development, the plan was to create a series of protective forests, reservoirs, and irrigation systems between 1950 and 1965. (The total length of the National Mega-Forest Reserve was 5,320 kilometers, with 117,900 hectares of planted forests.) The virgin land movement was also carried out to reclaim protected forests for cultivation, which increased food production in the short term. Even if the production of traditional grain-producing areas declined, the new grain-producing areas were able to ensure grain production. In the fall of 1963, bread and flour suddenly disappeared from store shelves, sugar and butter were discontinued, and in 1962, a 30% increase in the price of meat and a 25% increase in the price of butter were announced. In 1963, for the first time since the war, the Soviet Union bought about 13 million tons of grain from abroad due to a poor domestic harvest and insufficient grain reserves. As a result of the price increase, the Novocherkassk affair broke out afterwards... After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the entire ecological protection system began to collapse, the entire forest belt was left unmanaged and the irrigation system was paralyzed. It was only in 2006 that the Russian agricultural sector started to recount and maintain the protected forests.

This was a mistake made by the Soviet Politburo, which on the one hand did not prohibit the cult of the individual and on the other hand turned against the former leaders; this destabilized and destroyed the faith of the people. Many people's minds are set in their youth, which is why propaganda and education are so important.

As with Gorbachev, the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union had a far greater impact on him than anything that followed; he could know every word of Lenin's work by heart without really believing it. Nonetheless, he maintained respect for Suslov; he also tried to preserve the Soviet Union by creating a union of sovereign Soviet republics that abandoned the concepts of socialism and confederalism when the Soviet Union was about to disintegrate (ironically, Lenin initially wanted a confederate Soviet Union).

Unfortunately, there is no way to maintain the state with people as clean as Serepin and Suslov. Perhaps Gorbachev was simply greedy and incompetent; but he got a lot of people killed as a result, whether it was bureaucrats like Serpitsky or other innocent people. He threw the crown on the ground and let Yeltsin pick it up and use the power.

Romanov could not do that, he had to preserve the image of the previous leaders to preserve the whole country with a stable constitutional government. And that is why he was chosen as the General Secretary of the Central Committee.

Romanov could not do this, he had to preserve the image of the previous leaders to preserve the whole country with a stable constitutional government. That's why he was chosen as the General Secretary of the Central Committee.

He suddenly thought of something, time lock! Why does Islam still believe in the Qur'an after thousands of years? Because Mohammed set a time lock for all subsequent generations to follow only the Koran (the Koran is the word of Allah and will remain until the end of the world). The historical Deng Xiaoping made a similar time lock in the face of the introduction of capitalism and market economy (the basic line should be governed for 100 years and cannot be shaken), by setting a time frame within which the successor could not change or deny the direction of development.

This tactic is effective, as long as the successor remains within the framework it is impossible to deny. The Islamic world has successfully used this method to preserve its faith in the Qur'an and Prophet Mohammed despite the efforts of the inquisitives.

Contrast Khrushchev's claim in 1961 to surpass the production level of the United States in seven years...with the achievement of a communist society. The principle of distribution according to need would be realized: free lunch from 1975 and free meals three times a day from 1980. I don't understand how bad Khrushchev's Marxian theory had to be to say that... (While his ideals were good, the series of practices during his reign were too radical & stupid.) Finally, in 1971 Brezhnev could only create a concept of "developed socialism" to solve the problem. The term itself was a propaganda tool and the system was anything but.

It's not that Romanov was a bad man or didn't want to do what was necessary for the nation; it was that the current Soviet leadership had no faith in this system and no willingness to do what was necessary to maintain it. The system was on the verge of collapse. Romanov was forced to use every ounce of willpower to convince the party and the nation that this was the only way.

So he cannot and will not use the reformists and local nationalists to replace the bureaucracy, as Gorbachev did historically, which would dangerously lose the support of the bureaucratic class, because what everyone wants is stability. Not to mention the fact that the so-called reformers immediately use the same privileges or even become more corrupt.

To overturn the historical image of a former leader is an extremely stupid thing to do, even if Stalin almost completely changed Lenin's policies, he would not discredit Lenin's image. Even Deng Xiaoping, who only marginalized the image of Hua Guofeng to make people forget him.

So the choice and answer is obvious. Reformism will result in the loss of support and subsequent fall of the government. The fall of the government would undoubtedly lead to anarchy and the triumph of capitalism. That would spell the end of any chance of a socialist revolution, a revolution that would result in a bloodbath and hundreds of thousands of deaths.

A bloody revolution would not be a good thing.

Romanov made his decision.

The 27th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was held in the State Kremlin, where 750 deputies of the Union House and 750 deputies of the House of Peoples from the Supreme Soviet of the USSR filled the seats with representatives of almost global socialist countries and socialist parties. The congress was opened with a show of hands. The flag of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was raised and everyone stood up to sing the International Anthem. The congress began.

Romanov addressed the congress, starting with a quote from Karl Marx (that he read nearly verbatim) "The history of all previous societies is a history of class struggle." Then he went on to criticize the current government for not living up to the ideals of the revolution.

The problem with his speech is that it relies too heavily on the tired rhetoric of the old political parties, thus it becomes increasingly irrelevant and disconnected from the problems that the average worker faces.

"It is high time to break with the methods and principles of the past. It is high time to launch the world into a new era of human history. An era where the people rule, where there is peace on earth, where the conditions of life for the majority is not hunger, but abundance. That is the goal of socialism.

It is high time to take a stand for a better world. A world where the workers are happy, prosperous, and where the fruits of their labor are distributed equitably among all members of society. That is the vision of Marxism.

We will not stop until that is a reality. We will not stop until there is peace on earth, and all the people of the world can live in freedom and plenty. That is the mission of the Communist Party. We stand for a world of peace, equality, and abundance, where each and every person is respected for the contribution that they have to make.

What if we build this world? Marx has already given the answer, that the only way to reach a real communist society is when the productive forces are greatly developed and material goods are greatly enriched! The revolution deserves to be a young revolution, not an old one! Only advanced technological innovation and a stable social order can ensure high economic development. Only then can the people of the world really benefit from the fruits of their labor. Only then can the goals of a communist revolution be achieved. We can only build a better world together!

Therefore, how should we build developed socialism after the leadership of Comrade Brezhnev? Informatization! Just as Comrade Lenin said that communism is Soviet power plus national electrification, informational society is the next stage of socialist construction! Now we must continue to build informationalized scientifically developed socialism under the leadership of the Party and the will of the people. Scientifically developed socialism is Soviet power plus national electrification!"

The resolution was approved with little argument. The congress ended with the singing of the Soviet National anthem, followed by the raising of the Russian flag. The singing of the national anthem resulted in a standing ovation. The delegates exited the stage, heading to the reception. The Congress ended, the deputies of the Supreme Soviet heading to the reception.

The reception started with a speech by President Mitterand, who congratulated the congress for its success. He expressed the hope that the congress would serve as a stimulus for world peace and revolution.

Next, the delegation from the United States Senate made a presentation and spoke about America's support for the USSR. The speech was given by Senator Frank A. Millard, who praised the construction of the Iron Curtain, and said that the cooperation between the USSR and America had resulted in unparalleled economic and scientific advances, which would continue under the new Communist Party.

The next speech was given by Joscelyn Godwin, a British delegate, who said that the new Soviet government had a great deal of responsibility, given the role of the Soviet Union in sustaining the global economic system. He cited the economic contributions of the Soviet Union, such as the vast development of nuclear energy, which had made possible the industrialization of the planet.

After the speech, a video was shown displaying the evolution of the world from caveman to space age, concluding with a depiction of the peaceful, technological future that was possible with a communist society. The video painted a positive, idealized portrait of the world under socialism.

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The next day, before the new informational scientific developed socialist theory was transmitted from all levels of administrative organizational structures to all levels, the 27th Congress of the Communist Party of the USSR began to discuss the agenda.

Kossolapov, secretary of the Ideological Committee of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, began his speech, wishing to restore the historical image of Stalin saying, "We cannot, and we will not, eliminate the crimes of the past. What we will do, however, is to move forward, to build a better future! We will not allow the mistakes of the past to define our current and future role in the world, we will not allow the personal failures of a single individual to define the public mission of an entire nation. The era of the Great Purge is over. The victims of that evil act have been executed or rehabilitated. No one else will be persecuted for their opinions. The era of slander is over. We are a nation of law and order that follows the rule of law. We are a nation of truth and progress, not of false rumors and witch hunts. We live in an era of information and enlightenment, not fear and paranoia. The era of the personality cult is over. Our personality is no longer shaped by the actions of a single individual, but by the collective. The nation that we are today is the product of the common, historical experience of all its people. We should restore the true image of Comrade Stalin with the textbooks that allow the people to understand history with a correct understanding of the complexities and perspectives of historical figures. We will not go back to the days of the Great Purge. We will not repeat the mistakes of the past. We will not live in the past. We will live in the present, and we will move forward. We are the inheritors of a great legacy. There is no turning back. We will complete the revolution; we will build a new world."

After Kosolapov's speech, the deputies of the Supreme Soviet of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, together with the delegations of other socialist parties and foreign delegates, were shocked by it. They demanded that Kossolapov justify his speech.

Kossolapov referred to a few historical figures, such as the Romanov family, claiming that the history books distorted their image. However, he declared the era of revisionist history to be over and claimed that all of the past was being rewritten. The history of the USSR would be rewritten to glorify the ideals of socialism.

Kossolapov cited George Orwell's famous essay "Politics and the English Language" to defend his position. In the essay, Orwell explains that politics and persuasion are inseparable from the art of rhetoric, and that propaganda often relies on manipulating the public with appeals to emotion and passion.

A Social Democrat delegate raised his hand to ask a question and said.

"I don't think that we can agree that history is being rewritten in the name of socialism. After all, isn't the point of writing history is to record what actually happened so we can avoid making the same mistakes in the future? The only way to do that is to keep an accurate record. Isn't that what you're trying to do with your speech?"

Kossolapov smiled and said, "It seems the questioner here doesn't think very highly of me. I would like to ask him/her to clarify why."

The questioner was another delegate of the Social Democratic Party of Germany. He said, "It seems that you're attempting to paint a flattering picture of a past that had elements of savagery, and present a politically correct image of a future that is pure folly. The history of the world is filled with these idealistic claims that go unfulfilled. Will you be able to live up to the lofty ideals that you set forth?"

Kossolapov said, "You seem to be an expert on the history and theory of socialism. I would be very interested in hearing your thoughts on this matter."

The questioner said, "I don't think you will be able to put lipstick on a pig. You might create a pretty picture of one, but it's still a pig nevertheless."

"That's a very crude way of looking at it, and I'd like to ask, is your wife wearing lipstick today?"

The questioner looked at his feet and said, "No."

Kosolapov smiled and said. "So, why accuse the act of painting an idealistic picture? Is it possible to give up painting a picture of a great ideal because real life is difficult to achieve? Human beings survive and develop precisely by aspiring to and realizing ideals."

"Yes, but the problem is that ideals can get in the way of reality. Ideals are like the perfect vision of what should be, instead of what is."

"So you're saying that a picture, even a pretty one, can obscure the truth?"

"Yes."

"That's a very cynical way of looking at it. But if there is no beauty in the utopian vision that you're proposing, then what is the point of striving towards it? The real truth will not be covered up; instead, it will only be forgotten. Comrade, do you think people are more likely to remember things that are under a propaganda campaign or things that the government deliberately ignores?"

The delegate said, "I suppose you're right. But I think that's the responsibility of the government. Not of the historians. After all, didn't the French Revolution happen because the historians got it wrong?"

"No, it is the duty of historians to try to teach people the true historical perspective. Let's put it this way, what is the image of the first impression and concept of socialism that young people growing up and educated in the United States and Western Europe they have? And what is the real concept of socialism and communism? Can they distinguish the difference between Marxism and Leninism? Can they read the works of Mark Twain and Dostoevsky as commonly as Soviet young people did? Are young Americans themselves incapable of receiving a better education or are they being deliberately avoided and directed?"

"I'm not sure. The education system seems geared towards preparing people for work in industry, not exactly towards learning."

Kosolapov said seriously: "This is the true face of capitalism! It enslaves the minds of all mankind, and the education it desires is for the very few with good birth to receive a private education, while leaving the majority to go to public education to serve the entry into the industrial system! Because the capitalist market needs workers to facilitate his capitalist development, this prevents the proletarians under capitalism from getting a better education to make the class leap. But a true socialist state is designed to give all children the most comprehensive education possible, and every top leader of the Soviet Union was of worker or peasant origin, and 60% of the top Soviet deputies were of worker and peasant origin. In contrast, how many American presidents and congressmen come from ordinary families?" (Note: The children of Soviet bureaucrats do not go into politics, but into science and technology, academia, business and medicine, etc.) For example, Gorbachev's daughter Irina is a doctor, and Romanov's daughter Valentina teaches at the Department of Mechanics and Mathematics at Moscow State University. (This is part of the reason why the bureaucrats did not mobilize the population to defend the regime when the Soviet Union collapsed; no bureaucrat would defend a regime that could not hereditary political power.)

Kosolapov paused and said, "There is no place for cynicism in our struggle. We must use all the methods at our disposal to achieve a classless, a race-free, and a gender-free society. It is only through a mobilized, classless, and united society that we can make the quantum leap to a truly Communist future."

After some debates, General Secretary Romanov made a decision: "On the decision to face up to history and restore Stalin's historical image, to set up a Commission for the investigation of the face up to history and its rehabilitation. It is necessary to critically examine the achievements and mistakes of Stalin, Khrushchev and Brezhnev, to criticize the mistakes of the Red Terror during Stalin's time and to recognize the achievements of his leadership in the industrialization and the Patriotic War, and to recognize the mistakes of Khrushchev's violation of the collective principle and Brezhnev's military actions. Therefore, we need to revise textbooks to restore the true image, and to reinvestigate and rehabilitate historical figures such as Beria. Vote by a show of hands."

The 1,500 deputies of the Supreme Soviet began to vote, and the vast majority (1,381) voted in favor.

"The next proposal, on preparations for the withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan. The internationalist assistance mission in Afghanistan has been underway for almost six years, and we have completed the request for assistance from the Afghan People's Democratic Party; preparations for withdrawal from Afghanistan should be completed by April 1987, beginning in March 1986."

The deputies voted again, and the resolution passed with 1,383 in favor, 21 opposed and 96 abstentions.

"The resolution on the withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan is approved."

There were mixed responses to the decisions. In the long term, everyone knew that continuing the war would only lead to more bloodshed and more destruction. Some saw this as a betrayal of the Soviet people's sacrifices during the war, especially since the Red Army's role in the war had been to liberate not to wage a war of conquest. On the other hand, restoring Stalin and restoring the images of the Soviet leaders in school would be a propaganda victory for the government.

There was also some unhappiness among the military personnel. Many felt that the Soviet Union's role in the Afghan War was to simply replace British colonial rule, which had been the most repressive of all forms of rule. Although the Red Army wore the uniform of the Soviet Union, many of them held a secret loyalty to the Soviet comrades they'd served with in the Great War, and resented the Soviet Union's growing withdrawal from the world.

They wanted a Soviet Red Army that liberated the people not Soviet armed forces that invaded other countries, and in any case Romanov needed to stabilize politics and develop science and technology before waiting for Reagan's term to end. This required breaking the U.S. technological blockade and food embargo.

"At the same time, we need to stand firm against the cult of error. We should not have portraits of Politburo members on every wall of the country, which is against socialism. I propose that it should be forbidden to build bronze statues, statues or portraits of all current and non-war-worthy leaders printed on any printed materials except books and textbooks, museums, and to name places, buildings, etc. after leaders. However, the names of places from the Stalinist period should be restored; for example, Stalingrad, etc., in order to remember the painful wounds of the people of the Patriotic War."

There was some discussion, but the vast majority agreed.

"Stalin's name will be restored," was a firm statement made by many.

"Stalin's name should be restored," was also a statement made in support of the resolution.

"Stalin's name is a disgrace and should be restored," was said with more outrage than enthusiasm.

A majority of the deputies (1,300 to be exact) had expressed their opinion on the issue, and now it was up to the General Secretary to decide.

"Actions will speak louder than words, I assure you. The comrades who want to restore Stalin's name are encouraged to do so. I urge you all to avoid controversy and to focus on more important issues. The restoration of the names of cities, streets, and the like, should be undertaken with the utmost care. I would also like to remind you all that we are not living in a historical period, but in a period of transition to a communist society. So this is a long transitional phase, and we may need several generations or a dozen generations. But we will always adhere to the developed socialist line and will not change it for centuries to come, insisting that all power be vested in the leadership of the Soviet Union and the Communist Party. We should restore the names of places from the Stalinist period and prohibit the cult of leaders without the merits of the October Revolution and the Patriotic War. I would also like to call your attention to the need to protect the right to freedom of speech. We are living in dangerous times, and we cannot be too careful in exercising this right. The suppression of this freedom has become increasingly common in recent years, and we need to be vigilant in protecting this freedom as much as possible. Speech and artistic creation should be monitored, not banned. We should accept well-intentioned criticism and works that reflect social phenomena, but never allow meaningless curses that smear the sacrifices of the socialist revolution. We cannot allow a return to the censorship and control that was common in the past. We need to use new and improved creative tools to advance our cause, not suppress them."

There were some murmurs of disagreement, but, on the whole, the speech was well-received.

"We are not a dictatorship of any kind, and we do not want to be one. We are a democracy. The will of the people is what guides our decisions. These are the principles that should guide our actions, and they are the same principles that I will be using to guide our actions as General Secretary."

"However, as I said, I encourage those comrades who are interested in the cause to undertake the restoration of names. I welcome the attention that this cause will bring. This will not be an easy task. There is an enormous amount of work to be done. But I am confident that I can rely on the help of every comrade in this room to achieve this goal. I hope that you will all agree with me in this. I hope that we will all work together in this cause. And I hope that we will all be successful in this effort. But, above all, I hope that we will remain vigilant and we will not be seduced by the cult of personalities, who want to exploit our history for their own selfish ends. Comrades, a great deal of work lies ahead, but I believe that we are up to the task."

There were some more murmurs, but the majority seemed to support the General Secretary. He had made his decision, and now there was no turning back.

"Then, to begin our work, I will need the help of the most capable and capable staff. I would like to create a central information office, where our top researchers can access all the latest information. I would like to organize a team to research the current political and economic situation around the world. I would also like to create an International Department, which will coordinate relations with the international Communist parties. I would like to create a new division of the Department of International Relations, which will be dedicated to the study of new media, such as film and television. Lastly, I would like to create a special unit that will investigate historical questions, particularly regarding the October Revolution. I hope you will all agree to these positions, as, if anything, they will increase the chances of success. Now, I'm sure there are other comrades who would like to contribute, and I hope that they will as well. I would be very happy to hear suggestions from you all."

There was silence for a short time, as the room digested this information. Then there was a round of applause, and several people stood on their seats to propose various ideas for the rest of the positions.

The next few meetings were filled with the discussion of various projects, the creation of positions, and the approval of certain people to fill those positions. Among the people suggested to be part of the government, there was a large contingent of young communists, eager to make an impact.

In addition, Romanov put forward a proposal to prohibit members of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and members of the Komsomolskaya Komsomolets from operating private businesses. The goal of the suggestion was to force a decision from the party, and to draw party members into the public eye.

The proposal was met with mixed reactions. On the one hand, it was seen as a way to expose party members to the public, which would increase their legitimacy. On the other, it was seen as a way to hurt the party's reputation.

The ban was passed with a few minor amendments, and the first businesses to be affected were those belonging to party members.

The party's reputation suffered greatly, and many party members saw their business ventures come to a standstill. However, party members in government had a much easier time of it.

The end of the month, a letter was sent to the Central Committee of the Communist Party, and was also posted on bulletin boards throughout the city.

This is an instruction to the members of the Communist Youth League who applied for membership in the Party to work, and they were called to Central Asia to plant trees for the construction of a new natural transformation program. They were to carry out this task until the trees were old enough to be harvested, then they were to remain in the region to assist in the maintenance of the trees.

In the meantime, the political situation was beginning to deteriorate.

The first signs of dissent began appearing, with a small minority of party members publicly expressing dissatisfaction with the decisions being made by the Politburo. The Politburo responded by increasing its power, and making it more difficult for members of the Central Committee to run for the Presidency of the Party.

The Central Committee decided to take action against these dissenters.

The list of political prisoners was revealed, with over 150 names. The names included many of the most vocal party members, as well as some high-profile public figures. Romanov deported these people and destroyed their Soviet citizenship. This included stripping away any medals that the prisoners had been awarded, and in some cases, revoking the right to a future pension.

Romanov also began to distance the party from some of its more extreme positions of the past decade.

The new line that the party was taking was presented to the public as the "only way" to preserve the Communist Party's "revolutionary purity", and to counter the "right wing" and "revisionist" infiltration of the party by "Trotskyists".

The party continued to win elections, and became a much more reliable partner in governing the Soviet Union. Romanov continues to fight for the utopian blueprint he believes should be realized, but what will be the end result?

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