[uploadedimage:114350]

The Soviet Union is immersed in the arrival of a new year.

Citizens all over the planet prepare their celebrations as the year 1986 approaches.

New hopes, new dreams, and a new world.

The planet's nations work together to create a better and more peaceful world.

But, the planet's nations are also preparing for the arrival of a new year.

The global community is coming together to create a new world order.

The world's population is around 6.5 billion people.

Every year, billions of tonnes of food are produced.

Every year, hundreds of thousands of people die of starvation.

Every year, thousands of children die in their mother's arms from hunger.

Millions of people live in abject poverty, surviving on less than a dollar a day.

Every year, thousands of children are sold into slavery.

Every year, millions of women and girls are sold as child brides.

Every year, hundreds of millions of people are enslaved, oppressed, and abused.

At the same time, people are also ushering in huge changes in new technology. The third technological revolution will take the productivity of all mankind to a whole new level, although as long as the relations of production do not change...people will remain slaves.

Capitalism and communism are two competing economic systems.

Both systems claim that they are the only system that can provide for the well-being of all people.

The problem is, this is a lie.

Both systems rely on the oppression of people, on the ownership of the natural resources by the powerful few, for their own existence.

It's time for a new world order, a time when people will rise up and create a better way to live.

Only then will the future be ours.

The New Year came, Tregubova woke up from her sleep and the only person who would come to see her called. A man. He was rather strange.

She sat up in bed and looked around the room. The walls were covered with strange symbols. She got out of bed and went to the window.

"Happy New Year, Tregubova." Romanov's voice entered her ears through the landline phone. "Won't you say something in return?"

She stared outside. "How strange you are. First you ask me what I want, then you assume I want something."

"I can't read minds, after all, and you know what I want."

"Do you have any idea how strange you are?"

She listened to his laughter on the other end of the line.

"You're quite the contrary. I enjoy your company."

"How odd. I enjoy yours as well, but I'm not sure I like you all that much."

"I understand, and I'll call you next time. My daughter and grandson are coming over."

"Are they the reason for your visit?"

"No, I'm just being sociable. I'll see them in a couple of weeks. I haven't seen them for a long time." He paused. "I'll see you next year too."

"Are you taking me along to your daughter's house?" she asked.

"Would you like to?" he asked.

"Not really, but please, if you want me to go..."

"I'll bring you."

She nodded, and the line went dead.

Tregubova went back to bed. She sat down and began to think about what Romanov had said.

She thought, "I wonder if he's going to bring me to my daughter's house. He seems strange."

She laughed. "He's not strange. He's a highly intelligent man, and a wonderful speaker. I've heard him speak many times."

"But is he a good person?"

"Of course he's a good person. He's the Secretary of the Central Committee of the Soviet Union. He's a politician, but politicians are people too."

"I still don't like him."

"Why not? He's a good man. He's a revolutionary."

"I'm just not sure if I like him."

Tregubova yawned, and lay down. She was very tired. It had been a long day. She slept the whole day away. In the evening, Romanov came to see her.

"Here you are, Tregubova. I brought you some pastries."

She looked up, and said, "Thank you, but I'm not hungry."

He said, "You've been sleeping at home all day?"

"Yes, I've been staying at home to rest."

"Why did you sleep all day?"

"I don't sleep well when I'm worried."

"You're worried?"

"Yes, I'm terribly worried. I'm thinking of leaving the organization. I'm going to do what I want to do, and not sacrifice myself for a greater cause. I'm doing what I'm doing for purely selfish reasons. Are you not worried that you'll lose a powerful ally?"

"I'm not worried in the slightest. I'm prepared to do what needs to be done. If you're leaving, you best do it quickly."

Tregubova sighed. "I knew this would happen. I knew it when I took this position. I'm supposed to protect you, but I can't do that if I'm dead. You have to understand that. I have responsibilities. You have to..."

"No, I don't," he said. "I don't want your pity, and I don't want your sacrifice. You're free to do as you wish, but I would appreciate it if you'd stay alive."

"I'll do my best."

Romanov nodded and sat on the edge of the bed and said, "Of course, we have a big age difference. But I hope we can continue. I'm used to having you by my side."

"I'd rather not be all that much older than you. Maybe it's better if we're about the same age."

"I suppose so." He laughed. "How old are you anyway?"

"I'll be twenty-three in June."

"Oh, I see. That's quite a few years, then."

"Yes..."

"I want to lie next to you. Is that okay?" Romanov took off his black jacket and put it on the bedside table. He lay down on the bed and took Tregubova's hand. She stared at him.

"I want you to lie next to me, Tregubova. Please."

"Yes... Okay."

Tregubova closed her eyes to sleep. She knew she'd be exhausted for the night. Romanov would probably stay up reading, but he always respected her need for sleep.

When she woke up, he was gone. She got out of bed and looked for him, but he was nowhere to be seen. She went back to bed, and went back to sleep.

It was winter in the whole Soviet Union, while the world situation was still changing like everything else.

Revolution broke out in Haiti, and Afghan guerrillas and Soviet troops were still fighting.

Tensions rose over the border between the Soviet Union and Poland.

In Poland, a new government sought to replace the one the Soviets had supported.

In Afghanistan, fighting only got worse.

In Ethiopia, a famine broke out.

In China, the government sought to put down the unrest in the provinces.

At home, the economy continued to worsen.

At least for now, Romanoff the Traveller is going to enjoy some family time. In the original history, Romanov lived in the house of his eldest daughter Valentina after he was expelled from the Politburo by Gorbachev.

The door rang and his wife Anna Stepanovna opened it to see his eldest daughter Valentina with her son-in-law Oleg Ivanovich Gaidanov and his youngest daughter Natalya.

"Dad!" Valentina Romanov cried. She ran up to her father and hugged him. "Everything is so different."

"So you're the leader of the family now," her father said.

"I suppose I am."

"Where are the grandchild?"

"Andrei Anatolievich Kulakov, go over and call Grandpa." Natalya said as she grabbed the 14-year-old. She brought him up to her father. "Dad, this is Andrei. He's a bit of a..."

"A bit of a what?"

"A bit of a daredevil."

Romanov smiled and said, "Children are like that, come in and sit down all together. I must stay here overnight today, I miss you all."

"Of course. We miss you to," Valentina said. "It's just that it's a bit boring around here without you."

They sat down. In the kitchen, Anna Stepanovna made them some food.

"I miss you too," her father said to her.

After the meal, they went into the living room.

"Gaidanov, how is your work in Uzbekistan? It was hard for the prosecutor, wasn't it?" Romanov asked his son-in-law saying, if he didn't remember, that historically Gaidanov later became acting Russian prosecutor general for a year under Yeltsin before resigning to go into business. Valentina worked as the chairman of a banking commission in 1992 after the historical collapse of the Soviet Union.

"It was hard," Gaidanov said. "It's getting harder to find people to work with. The situation is getting more tense."

"Is there any reason for that?"

"Some. The separatists have been stirring up trouble. They're becoming more vocal and there are more of them. The police have been cracking down on them."

"What about your department? Are they doing okay?"

"The department is fine," Gaidanov said. "But, like the rest of the government, our resources are stretched a bit thin."

Romanov nodded, he had recently forgotten about the separatists in the five Central Asian countries. After that, it was necessary to have someone clean it up. After the war, the Soviet Union had sought to exploit the region's untapped natural resources such as oil, gas, and coal in order to make up for decades of neglect. A new wave of nationalism surged through the region after the war, but the projects soon suffered from poor planning and corruption. The new governments of the former Soviet states were little different and sometimes even worse than the old ones.

Romanov looked toward his daughters.

"Well, we have some family time now, right?"

"Yes, Dad," Valentina said. "We need to get back to real life."

"I miss our good old days," he said. "We had some fun, didn't we?"

"Oh, yes, Dad," Natalya said. "Before you know it, you'll be turning 100."

"I think I'll make it," Romanov said.

Perhaps they are right, crossing to 62 years old Romanov can not have a chance to live farther into the future if they do not prepare a medical team responsible for extending life.

The Romanov family will live as they always have.

Meanwhile, the situation in Haiti continued to evolve.

The last month of 1985 was crucial for the Haitian people, and after the previous months of Soviet arms and Cuban soldiers, the Haitian resistance quickly launched an all-out assault on the Petit Duvalier regime under the leadership of liberation theology priests.

In a series of attacks that included assassinations, ambushes, and sabotage, the rebels battled government troops for control of the country, which quickly descended into all-out war.

The government, however, had the backing of the United States and the other western countries, who saw the ouster of the regime as a threat to the region's previously established order.

The United States supported the government through financial aid, military advisers, and the supply of weapons. The United States Ambassador to the country, a career diplomat and the brother of the assassinated president, reminded the world that "the people of Haiti have the will to fight and will not be denied."

Over the next few months, a series of brutal battles were fought. The rebels, who did not have the technological advantage of the Soviet Union, failed to establish control. Despite the fact that the military advantage was on their side, they could not overcome the better-supported government. The rebels were eventually forced to retreat and regroup, but the bloodshed continued.

On February 12, 1986, a peace agreement was signed in Geneva, but the fighting did not stop.

------

January 13, 1986.

"What's going on in South Yemen? Ali Nasser actually staged a bloody coup." Soviet Minister of Internal Affairs Vitaly Vasilyevich Fedorchuk threw the report on the situation of the coup in South Yemen on the table, about which Romanov, who already knew, remained silent. The room was silent apart from the rustling of the pages as they flicked through them. Finally, Romanov spoke.

"What will happen in the long run will happen, and if South Yemen will be in a state of civil war let them kill themselves and let the Soviet and Cuban garrisons in South Yemen guarantee the security of our military bases and embassies."

The report was a mixture of terse, brutal, and frank assessments of the situation. The British were more concerned with the issue of the secession of South Yemen from the rest of the country, although the Soviets and Cubans were both concerned with the potential for a chain of violent events that could draw them into the conflict.

The United States, however, remained aloof from the conflict despite some prodding from the British.

For the moment, the situation looked grim for the anti-Imperial forces.

"The situation is grim," Romanov said. "The United States will probably remain officially neutral, but the puppet government in London will use all its influence to make sure the United States doesn't get involved."

"The Soviet Union should get involved, use military force if need be," suggested the minister for internal affairs.

Romanov considered that the Brezhnev period had already invested a lot of aid in South Yemen, which also enabled the Socialist Party of South Yemen to implement communist welfare policies (free or free...). The end result is just that now the people of South Yemen are dissatisfied and the factions are fighting fiercely.

"No, let's not interfere in the internal affairs of South Yemen. Even if they don't have powerful figures who can maintain the status quo, why should we help South Yemen make an apparent peace?"

"It's not a request, comrade. The United States has a responsibility to the region. We have a lot of influence, and we can use that influence to help keep the peace. We can't leave a war between French-aligned and anti-Imperialist factions to be won by the British or the Americans, especially since the main combatants are in the same country."

Romanov was silent for a moment and said, "What do you think, Comrade Grishin? Do we need to intervene in the civil war in South Yemen?"

Grishin rubbed his chin. "Personally, I don't think so. As long as the Soviet Union doesn't get directly involved, it could be better off if the region sorts this out among themselves. I don't think the Soviet Union should be sending soldiers to fight in a civil war."

"I agree with that, and as for South Yemen as long as we keep the Soviet military bases secure, we should not intervene in South Yemen. Just prevent the unification of North Yemen."

"This is what I was afraid of!" said Bobkov. "The way things are going, it seems the only way to prevent the union of North and South Yemen is for us to do so."

"And that is why I think we need to be cautious, and consider all the factors. I agree with Comrade Grishin. Let's not be hasty."

The meeting continued for another hour, with the British minister for defense Michael Manley asking pointed questions about the nature of the Soviet intervention.

"Do you plan to remain in South Yemen long term?" he asked.

"We plan to remain until the internal situation has been normalized," said Romanov.

"If you need more troops, we could provide them," said Grishin.

Manley considered this and said, "Thank you. I think we're done here."

The meeting was adjourned, and the ministers left.

"That went well," said Bobkov. "The British are concerned. They don't even have a strong army in South Yemen, and they're concerned. Perhaps if we give them some time, they'll come to their senses."

"Perhaps."

---

The next day, the situation in South Yemen deteriorated rapidly.

On the evening news, they reported that the government of South Yemen had taken control of the airport and were preventing flights to and from the nation. They also announced that the presidential building had been attacked and taken over by a pro-independence faction.

As night fell, the first bombs exploded in the capital, and a second wave hit several other cities.

The city of Aden was the primary target.

At 9:40 p.m., the first wave of air raid sirens went off.

---

Aden was completely unprepared for the onslaught.

Factions opposed to Ali Nasser quickly sparked a civil war in south Yemen, and it was only a matter of time before the nation was drawn into the conflict.

The first wave of air raid sirens went off at 9:40 p.m. In a desperate attempt to calm the populace, the government broadcast the following message:

To the people of Aden! The air raid sirens are a warning only. There is no need to panic. Remain at your posts. The government will provide you with the latest information. Thank you.

The message ended, and the sirens went silent.

The Aden air raid alert was called, and every air raid shelter in the city was to be filled.

小说相关章节：克里姆林宫：铁幕1985/Kremlin: The Iron Curtain 1985