Tregubova put down tea for Viktor Vasilyevich Grishin, Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, and Romanov, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the USSR and Chairman of the National Defense Conference, gestured, "Comrade Grishin, try this cup of tea."

Grishin grabbed the cup of tea, and took a sip. "Delicious," he said.

"I'm glad you like it."

Romanov took a seat, and sipped tea.

The room was silent, and only the sound of cups clinking and steam permeating the air could be heard.

Grunting, Grishin took another sip of tea.

Romanov cleared his throat, and spoke, "If the latest reports from the Afghan Front are accurate, we may be facing a serious situation."

"What do you mean?"

"The U.S.-backed Afghan mujahideen have resumed attacks on Soviet troops in Afghanistan, and I need your opinion."

"My opinion? You want my opinion?"

"Yes. We must decide whether this war should continue, whether we should send more troops."

Grishin said, "Send more troops? We're not sending more troops! We're withdrawing!"

"Withdrawal? But the war's going so well! Why would you withdraw?"

"Going well? No, we lost the war internationally and economically, Afghanistan has no value whatsoever. We are just wasting resources and lives, and the PDPA in Kalmail has not even done land reform and emancipation of women! They have carried out land reform to equalize the land but not to distribute the means of production from the landlord class? They keep compromising and slowing down reforms in the face of the religious forces in Afghanistan. This war is not winnable."

"The only thing that we should worry about is that the war will be over soon, and we need to discuss the terms of peace before that happens." Either we need to reach a withdrawal agreement with the United States," Romanov said, scratching his head. Either that, or full support for the PDPA and full social reform by the Soviet Union. The former is better for the national interest, but who will bear the responsibility for losing the war?"

"This is a question of who will lose more, not of who will win or lose. We will lose, regardless. We will lose our nation."

"Then we must win," Romanov said. "As I understand it, you believe that the U.S. will win."

"No. I don't think that. The Soviet Union will stand, and will win through to victory. But Afghanistan is a zero-sum game that just saps our resources and will. We can't win. We can only not lose."

"We need to talk to the U.S. to solve this problem, anything else? Comrade Viktor."

"Talk. We can't send more troops, because that would be throwing good money after bad. Better that we should negotiate a withdrawal with the U.S. Say it. We can't send more troops because that would throw a big chunk of money away. We'd better negotiate with the U.S. to withdraw our troops. There are other things, you know, the demutualization of state enterprises and the new private banks are dangerous. The former would create economic forces beyond our control and change socialist thinking. The latter, the Ministry of Foreign Trade was upset; after all, there was already a joint-stock Soviet Foreign Trade Bank. Why re-establish joint venture banks?"

"I don't think these things are that bad," Romanov said. "But we could do a better job. The Ministry of Finance has been resistant to change and believes that government should only invest in state-owned enterprises. Of course, private enterprise may not be as compatible with the socialist system. However, there are many ways to work around these problems. For instance, we could nationalize the private banks, and then simply have the state run them. It's not such a bad compromise. We may not be able to completely satisfy our ideological adversaries, but we'll get a lot more done."

"It's a bad idea. The people won't stand for it, and we will lose the support of the private sector. If we do this, we will most likely stay in power, but we will lose our nation."

"No, we won't. The demutualization of state-owned enterprises is still in the process of negotiation, and of course we can postpone it indefinitely. Then, some young people must be promoted up...but young people have not experienced the war like the old people. We can't let the spawn of the Soviet Communist Party's 20th Congress succeed us."

"This is a bad idea. You're not thinking clear. This isn't some academic exercise where... we can't retreat. This is our home. Our nation. Our future."

"Our nation can survive without Afghanistan," Romanov said. "Our nation, like any other nation, has a responsibility to itself. I assure you that I will consider abandoning the demutualization of state enterprises. Comrade Viktor Vasilievich Grishin."

"General Secretary."

"Yes. If you wish to withdraw from Afghanistan, I will not oppose it. However, I will need your support. Will you stand with me in this endeavor?"

"I will."

"Comrade Grishin, thank you."

------

After Grishin left, Tregubova looked at Romanov thoughtfully and asked, "What's wrong?"

"We need to rethink this," Romanov said. "Each of these ministries is not a single person, but a whole bureaucratic group. I need to reform yet prevent damage to the personal interests of the bureaucratic group."

"Oh, that's where you come in, isn't it?" Tregubova asked.

"Yes, but you do understand that we must do this quietly or else it will be detrimental to our interests." Romanov sighed, "I need to give my Leningrad faction control over the entire Politburo and the Soviet Union, and I can't just abolish ministries & rely on the special supply system to collect and sell bureaucrats like Khrushchev did."

"No, of course not," Tregubova agreed.

"By the way, how are your connections?" Romanov asked, fighting the urge to test whether she would lie or tell the truth.

"My... connections?" Tregubova asked, looking away uncomfortably. "They're fine. Why? Do you think there's going to be a problem?"

"You need to be honest with me, I need a loyal and honest secretary general."

"There won't be a problem. How do you think I got promoted so quickly? The system isn't as corrupt as you think. I'm sure you'll find plenty of supporters in the ministries."

"I hope so."

"Anyway, I can help you with your plan, but it's going to take some time. Do you have enough time?"

"I believe so," Romanov said. "Come sit on my lap, how much money did you receive with the gift?"

"1 million."

"Well, do you know how many years you would have spent in prison if I hadn't let the watchdogs keep this under wraps?" Romanov asked.

"I don't know," Tregubova said, wrapping her arms around his waist.

"Probably the rest of your life. Now, let's go to bed."

With Tregubova settled in his lap, he felt better about the entire situation. His main concerns were that Tregubova be honest with him and that he not put her life at stake. He couldn't guarantee the latter, but he could work to assure the former. Tregubova had to trust him. They were allies after all.

The next day, the situation remained the same. Tregubova was still at his side, and he was working through the ministries, trying to solidify a majority in favor of his plan. Then he would have to silence the various factions that opposed him. Still, it was slow going, and there was a lot of red tape. It would be a waste of time to try to speed up the process.

------

Leningrad is a very special Soviet city.

Just as the Soviet Union had deliberate containment of the Russian Soviet Union, Moscow also had containment of Leningrad. This may be a historical legacy, as Leningrad was the scene of many political intrigues and cases during its time as St. Petersburg and Petrograd and the first decades of the Soviet Union. Leningrad's position on the Gulf of Finland, its geographic location and its former status as a major port made it a natural trading post and smuggling hub. These factors alone would probably explain the city's status as a hotbed of political intrigue and criminality, as well as its reputation as a center for the black market. But these were not the only factors in its history.

Before, during and after the Second World War, this city saw some of the most horrific acts in human history perpetrated against both civilian and military populations.

After the end of the Great Patriotic War, Zhdanov, who was designated by Stalin as his successor, rapidly expanded the influence of the Leningrad faction. However, the Leningrad faction was badly hit again by the Leningrad purges after Zhdanov's death.

After that, Frol Romanovich Kozlov became the leader of the Leningrad faction and eventually became the successor supported by Khrushchev and backed by Brezhnev and Serepin. Then, in 1963 Kozlov suffered a stroke and died in 1965.

The Leningrad faction gradually lost its power and moved away from the center of power. From 1970 to 1983, Romanov was the first secretary of Leningrad and took control of it. He was also given the title of general secretary of the Central Committee of the Soviet Union. He served as the head of the party and the state, making all the decisions and ensuring that they followed the party line.

------

Leningrad Scientific Research Center

Located just outside of the city, the Leningrad Scientific Research Center is a large complex of buildings, mostly administrative buildings like the one Romanov are in right now, but also a hotel, several restaurants, conference rooms, an onsite medical center, a pair of large, modern, well-equipped laboratories, and even an onsite school.

Romanov enter through a guarded door and are welcomed by the guards.

"Good day, gentlemen. I am Comrade Grigory Vasilyevich Romanov, the new general secretary of the Central Committee of the Soviet Union. You are...?"

"Nikolai Yudushka, I am an engineer at the Skoda Works."

"Very well, please send Dr. Glebov over to see me."

"Of course. Please come in."

Romanov steps inside the building and is shown into a large conference room where a round table is set up. There are some comfortable chairs around the table, but it is clear that this is a place where people do not often meet. Instead, it is more of a holding pen where people await something. A receptionist quickly comes in, takes a seat at the head of the table, and gestures for Romanov to sit in the chair to her right.

Nikolai Konstantinovich Baibakov, Deputy Chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers and Chairman of the State Planning Committee, with the new Chairman of the State Committee for Science and Technology.

"Dr. Glebov?"

Glebov quickly enters and bows. This is the end of his promotion, but he seems to be enjoying it.

"Informal discussions are not necessary. The issues are clear to us all, and my role is to provide advice. You have a task to complete."

"Of course, Chairman."

"The task is simple. The United States is on the scale of the third industrial revolution. We must do the same. We must place ourselves on the same technological footing as the Americans. To do this, we must create a scientific and technological powerhouse. We must create a space-based economy."

"Yes, Chairman. It shall be done."

"Now, I would like to hear your thoughts on this matter."

Glebov turns to Romanov.

"Comrade General Secretary, as a scientist, I am interested in finding out what the United States is up to. I am sure you understand."

"Of course, and I am sure you have already made the connection, but it seems that the Americans are very interested in space. They have been making a great deal of progress. More importantly, they have surpassed us in technology. America's technological revolution in the 1970s made France and the Soviet Union look like the Stone Age. We must match or exceed their level of technological development. This is the only way to remain competitive and to avoid falling behind. Space is our future."

Glebov nods and says...

"I understand your point, Comrade General Secretary. But Soviet technology, especially computer technology, was still in the 1970s, and we were stuck with transistorized computers, but the United States had already developed integrated circuit electronic computers. Since the 1970s, the United States have produced some of the most sophisticated and powerful computers in the world, including some supercomputers that are the most powerful in the world. We cannot allow this to continue. We must do something to change this trend."

"We must do more than that. The Politburo has looked at the report submitted on the Intensification 1995 program, and we need to know how many fully automated production plants with industrial robots can be built in Leningrad by 1990?"

"We have enough technicians to build three such automated production plants in Leningrad alone by 1990. If we include the potential for expansion, then the total is ten plants. However, I believe that we can do better than that. We have some very talented engineers and scientists. With the right amount of investment, we can significantly increase the productivity of our labor force. We can increase the output of our plants by 30% through the use of the latest technology. We have to give the new technology a try. We cannot rely on the past. We must innovate. This is the only way for us to compete."

"I understand your frustration, We need to see results as soon as possible, and you can leave now. We need to discuss it."

Glebov bows before leaving. He exits the room and slips out the back door.

Romanov and Baibakov are now alone.

"The United States is ahead of us, and we must establish computer centers and staff computers and computer training in all departments and regions by 1987. By 1995, we must have a nationwide network of supercomputing facilities that can perform at least one million calculations per second. These are the goals we have set, and these are the targets we must meet."

"The goals are ambitious, but the targets seem rather difficult to achieve."

"The finance department will allocate funds, other departments must fully cooperate with the Academy of Sciences. Also, the computer center construction and personnel computer training to improve the calculation of the material balance sheet will be included in the assessment index."

"In addition, we have some spare funds, and we could increase our own research and development expenditures. This could help us achieve some of the goals quicker."

"This is a good idea. We will ensure that the money is spent properly and efficiently."

Romanov stands up.

"Now, I must leave. I have more work to do."

"Of course, Comrade Romanov."

---

In 1985, what exactly did Romanov need if he was to become the new czar of the Soviet Empire instead of a loser or a clown? First, he needed to reform the bureaucracy and take control of the army and the KGB.

The KGB was a special force, which was directly under the orders of the General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Even the historical Gorbachev could harness it and use it.

The army needs ideas, prestige and interests. Ideas will keep the army loyal to its duty, prestige will enable Romanov to lead it, and interests will lead them not to betray Romanov.

The reform of bureaucracy is more special, it requires leaders with drive, competence, prestige and interest. A leader without drive and ability will have no possibility of determination and success, prestige will guarantee political stability and coups of ambitious people, and interests will be exchanged for the support of the bureaucracy.

What Romanov needed to do was to divide the bureaucracy and throw meat in one hand and hold the butcher's knife and whip in the other. The problem is that bureaucratic privileges began to strengthen under Stalin. To carry out reforms it was necessary to first draw in and fight the bureaucratic bloc and support his own Leningrad faction. Unfortunately, Romanov had little interest in satisfying the top bureaucracy.

Wage increases and allowances and dachas could only bring in the grassroots organizations, but to satisfy the top bureaucracy in exchange for political support required greater benefits. Stalin's system of giving several times the salary bonus to the top or Khrushchev's special system has long since become obsolete. The system needs to be reformed from the ground up.

In many ways, Romanov was correct to concentrate on the top of the pyramid, as the system has been concentrating on the same thing for far too long. As it stands, only the lower ranks of the civil service are significantly affected by the reforms.

Bureaucrats and capitalists are highly homogeneous in one way of life: in terms of dispossession and oppression of human beings. If the system is to truly reform itself, it must reform from the bottom up.

The question then becomes, who will lead such a movement? Who will unite the grassroots?

---

Anatoly Dumachev, the first secretary of the Leningrad Regional Committee, slowly followed Romanov for a walk in the corridor.

"We have many differences in opinion, yet we are all agreed in principle, and that is what counts. We should show some unity, and that is not going to happen without some concessions from the Politicians."

"We will have our differences, Comrade Dumachev, but we will all work together against the common enemy." Romanov added after a pause, "I need your help, who do you think could be the first secretary of the Moscow City Council?"

Dumachev thought for a moment.

"I think your ideas might have more appeal in Moscow, Comrade. Perhaps, it might be worth sending someone over there for a trial run?"

"I agree with that, how about Vladimir Yakovlevich Khodilev?"

"I know the man, a hard worker, but not the most brilliant of thinkers. I don't think he would go over well in Moscow."

Romanov nodded and said, "Okay, then Zaikov will serve."

"Better put him on a few restrictions. He is a loose cannon."

"What sort of restrictions?"

"No newspapers, no free press. Let him only speak at rallies, that sort of thing."

"Got it."

"Is that all?"

"Yes, for now."

"Good. I must go now."

Dumachev walked away, leaving Romanov with his thoughts.

As the door to the corridor closed, Romanov said to himself, "Okay, now what do I do? I can either give in to the whims of the people and their demands, or I can stand for what is right. Hmm..."

This was a delicate situation. The system could not go on like this. Something was bound to give. The question was, who was to give first?

---

After a long walk down the corridor, the General Secretary of the Central Committee for the Soviet Union Romanov entered the room and said, "Comrade Viktor Arkadyevich Tyurkin?"

"Yes, sir?" The young bureaucrat replied.

"You are now the acting First First Secretary of the Leningrad City Committee."

"What..."

"Congratulations!"

Romanov claps him on the shoulder and says, "You are a very capable and capable person."

"Thank you, sir."

"Sit down, please."

Tyurkin sits down, and Romanov stares at him.

"You were recommended to me by your superior, Comrade Dumachev."

"Yes, sir."

"However, the responsibilities are very heavy, and you need more experienced people to help you. More importantly, you know that it is difficult for young people like you to be criticized when they reach this position at this age, and you need merit to go further."

Tyurkin's eyes grow large as he takes in the implications of this.

"Understood. I am ready to serve the Party and the people of the Soviet Union."

"Very well, the intensive and socio-economic zone program is a key project for future development. The construction and production of Leningrad scientific research centers, scientific and production enterprises should be done in full force, and Leningrad must become the first intensively planned economic and social-economic zone. Do not let the people down."

"Understood, sir. I will not let you down."

"That is good, because the future of this country is in your hands."

"Make sure you understand the gravity of your position. You must be prepared to make the tough decisions, and to suffer the consequences. Understood?"

"Understood."

"Good."

"You should think about your family, and what their lives will be like if you fail."

"I understand, sir. I will do my best."

"That is all."

Romanov stands, and leaves without saying anything else.

"Now... you will excuse me, I have a meeting to attend."

Tyurkin stares after the General Secretary for a few moments, then he too stands and leaves.

---

Dmitri Ulapala sat in a dingy office, staring at a map of the city. The room had little natural light, and as such, the window was covered by a heavy blackout blind. At the moment, her attention was focused on the city of Riga, on the far end of the map.

The blind was partially open, and she could see through it slits that the sky was completely overcast, as if a thick blanket covered the blue expanse above. Heavy storms were predicted for the next few days.

Across the room, a table lay on its side, partially obstructing a side door. On the floor next to the table sat a half-drunken bottle of vodka and an overflowing ashtray. Spattered across the table were maps of the city, a few of them highlighted and crumpled. The table and its contents were a mess.

Ulpala had been sitting at the table for hours, drinking and reviewing maps of the city.

"Good, you will do the job. By the way, your has been hired by the Bank."

"I know, what of it?"

"No, you don't seem particularly happy about it."

"Well, I'm not."

Romanov nodded and walked up to her and said, "I believe in your MBA, you helped me master the Leningrad Bank, and I helped you become a manager...and then a bank director and shareholder."

"Is that a yes?"

"It's a 'Hm, of course.'"

"Good."

Romanov grabbed her chin and said, "Look up at me and open your mouth."

Ulpala did as she was told.

"Good girl. Now, take in as much air as you can, and..."

He slapped her across the face.

"Say 'Aah.'"

"Aah!"

"Good. That was much better. Now... you will soon be working for us."

"I know...but what does this mean for my family?"

"I know that your family is rich and that you are not a random position like Tregubova and you can become my toy on your own. If you are willing to help me, I will also affirm you."

Ulpala's eyes widened, and she asked, "You will what?"

"I will have you. My young and beautiful slave-mistress."

"No!"

"Yes..."

"NO!"

"I will not be a slave!"

"You are my property..."

"Please..."

"I won't..."

"I... I don't know what to say..."

"Say 'Acceptance. I accept.'"

"But..."

"Say it!"

"I... I accept."

Romanov nodded with satisfaction and said, "Good, we need to hear your opinion before we finish the deal. What do you think about the development of the stock market and lottery and joint venture banks in the Soviet Union now?"

"I think they are great ideas, but they will take years to get up and running."

"Do you see any barriers to their implementation?"

"No."

"Really? I don't think the masses in the Soviet Union & other socialist countries even understand how evil the financial economy & capital are."

"They understand it just fine, but they won't go against the system. People are too brainwashed and have too many interests to play along with the system."

"Interesting. So, in summary, I can do anything I want in the financial sector, as long as it takes 5, 10 or even 20 years to accomplish? Is that about it?"

"Well...not exactly. I think that there will be political problems ahead, but you can deal with that if you try hard enough. After all, if the system is flawed, you are free to destroy it."

Romanov said sternly: "The Soviet system has been working for decades, and no one should be able to destroy it in a few years before making themselves rich again. Even if, young Soviet people no longer understand the prices of health insurance, rent and tuition in capitalist countries."

Ulpala shrugged. "The system will eventually fail, given that a system based on ignorance can't last forever. The sooner you implement these changes, the better the world will be."

"Interesting. I will take your word for it, since you have the power to make me do anything. I will also take you up on your offer to work for me. Kneel before me and open your mouth."

Ulpala hesitated.

"Ulpala!"

"Oh, very well, I will. But I expect a generous income, along with many perks for my trouble."

"I will see to it."

"Now, let us finish the details of your new position."

Ulpala had no idea what she would do, as all of her knowledge came from books and not from experience. Ulpala opened her mouth, placed her hands on the head of the table, and felt the air above her head rush toward her.

"Let me observe your teeth and keep your tongue still." Romanov said as he grabbed her chin and unbuckled the belt of his own pants. "You don't have any cavities do you?"

"No, I don't."

"No, this doesn't seem to be a problem. In fact, you are only more beautiful than when I first met you."

"Thank you."

Ulpala swallowed nervously. Romanov stepped closer and pressed his throbbing erection against her face.

"Wet it, my dear."

"Yes, sir..."

"Sirs."

"I have one question before I agree to this."

"Ask it."

"What happens if I fail?"

Ulpala closed her eyes, took in a deep breath, and opened her mouth. She stuck out her tongue.

"Good girl. Keep it still. Take a deep breath."

Ulpala took a deep breath and obeyed. The taste of her own saliva surprised her, it was so salty. She did as she was told and licked the underside of his penis. Romanov hissed in approval and said, "Good, now I will show you how to properly do it."

He grabbed her head and guided her mouth from the top of his shaft to his base.

"Suck," he said.

She opened her mouth and took him into her mouth. Her mouth felt dry, and the sensation of his length and girth hitting the back of her throat caused a wave of pleasure to hit her.

"Mm, you fucking beauty. This is what I want."

She felt the intense heat of his desire against her face and neck. His grip tightened, and he started to thrust into her mouth. The sensation of his penis sliding against her throat caused more wetness to appear. She loved the feeling of his shaft moving against her mouth and throat.

"Oh yeah, that feels...good...do it...do it harder...harder...a'ight, a'ight," she said, struggling to breath.

He reached his hands around and guided her head, positioning her mouth as the target for his throbbing erection. She felt his fingers on the back of her neck, pulling her toward him as he continued to thrust.

"A'ight...now take a deep breath...and...and...let it out."

She did as she was told and took a deep breath through her nose. In...out...in...out...she repeated the process until her breath was smooth and even.

"Good...good..."

Romanov withdrew from her mouth, put on his pants and said, "Stand up, the deal is done. Go get me a bottle of vodka."

She got up from the table and went into the kitchen. She grabbed a bottle of vodka, poured in some of the clear liquid, and brought it back to the table. She placed it next to the chairman.

"Thank you."

"Thank me when you get me a promotion."

"A promotion?"

"Yeah. You heard me. Now, drink up, we have a lot of work to do."

Ulpala finished the rest of the bottle and said, "I need a few minutes to myself."

"No you don't," Romanov said. "Now, get to work."

She sat at the table and listened to him as he drank the rest of the bottle. Then she picked up the bottle and drank the rest of the contents.

"Now, to work."

She joined his side of the table and stared into the fire. The warmth felt good against her face, and she felt less...shady. "Tell me about yourself, where are you from?"

"I was born in Leningrad, but I moved to Moscow when I was a teenager."

"Your parents still live there?"

She nodded. "My father is still there, but my mother left when I was young. My father is an engineer, and my sister is a doctor."

"I see. What do you want of me?"

She shrugged. "I don't know. I want to be...somebody."

"And what are you not?"

"I'm not a thief. I'm not a liar. I'm not ugly."

"Of course, I want to know if you agree to our cooperation?" Romanov leaned back in his sofa chair, the smell of vodka irritating him a little.

"What do you mean?"

"The price is simple. You comply with all of my requests; I give you money, power, and respect. If you refuse, I release the wolves upon you."

She frowned. "What are the...wolves?"

"When you think about it, if I just needed someone to control the bank to help me get money, would I need to take the risk of picking you instead of just choosing someone else?"

"I'm not..."

"Think about it."

Ulpala pondered the question. She looked around the room, studying his face for any sort of sign of deceit.

"I'm not going to let you trick me into doing anything."

"Good. Then we have an agreement."

"Not quite..."

Romanov crossed his arms and stared at her and said, "You will obey unconditionally what I need you to do, and you must know it."

"Yes."

"And if you don't comply with my wishes, you will be killed."

Ulpala gulped. She tried to steady her breath, and said, "Yes..."

"Good. That's the spirit. Now, we have a deal, so make sure you keep your end of it."

"Yes."

"Now, go and get me a coat..."

She left the room, shaking, and went to the wardrobe. She grabbed a dark blue coat and brought it back to the room.

"Here. Put this on."

She did as she was told and returned to the kitchen. He was staring into the fire, his expression unreadable.

"How does it fit?" she asked.

"It fits."

"Can I ask you a question?"

"What?"

"Why are you doing this to me?"

"Doing what?" he asked, not looking at her.

"Making me..." she stopped, trying to think of the word. "Cooperating with you."

He didn't respond.

"Will you tell me why?"

"Do you really need to know?"

"I don't want to do something that I'm going to regret."

"Then no."

"Why are you doing this?" she asked again.

"Because I want to do this, I need you. You give you to me, and I give you money and position. In a few years, you will be a director and shareholder of the Leningrad Bank. Outside of the Foreign Trade Bank, I need the Leningrad Bank to be my conduit for importing and smuggling arms."

"This is a very large enterprise you are planning..."

Romanov nodded.

"The import of some luxury and consumer goods, literature and movies will make you a lot of rubles, and the army's obsolete arms are sold back to the gangsters in Western Europe and warlords around the world for dollars. The consumer goods and technical equipment the Soviet Union needed could only be bought in dollars."

"Yes, so?" she asked.

"So, if you cooperate with me, you will be making a lot more money than if you just go along with these...bandits."

Ulpala nodded. "How do I know this won't just be another trick?"

"You don't. You'll just have to trust me. But, it's not like I'm using you. I'm using someone like you."

Ulpala frowned. Was he using her?

"Think of me as an experiment in management. How would you like someone like me as an experiment in management?"

"I'm not sure..." She was unsure of herself.

"Next year, one billion rubles will be put into the Leningrad Bank. Can you eat that money?"

"I don't k

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