At the meeting of the Politburo of the USSR

Boris Karlovich Pugo reported on the anti-corruption operation, saying: "With regard to the Soviet-wide anti-corruption operation, 78,582 corrupt persons have been arrested, of whom 53,639 have been convicted."

"But the system is still riddled with a lack of transparency," he continued, "There is still a great deal of corruption in state agencies. We need to conduct a much more thorough operation to clean the system."

Romanov nodded and said, "Well, we will discuss further on the written report on corruption, which I thought had been largely cleansed through the anti-corruption campaign of the last six months. Next, the Politburo should discuss on the issue of criminal gangsters and food supply."

"Yes, of course," Pugo replied, and took his seat.

The rest of the meeting was mainly taken up by discussions on the supply situation.

Nikolai Konstantinovich Baibakov, deputy chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers and chairman of the State Planning Committee, picked up the report and said, "As the price policy was changed to a benchmark price and its fluctuation in accordance with the pricing range under administrative supervision, the prices set by the operators were guided. This year food commodities basically rose by about 3%, beef rose to 2.2 rubles a kilo, bread 20 kopecks a kilo, 1 kilo of fish prices recently ranged from 45 kopecks to 5.2 rubles. As for sausages, cooked sausages rose to 2.5 rubles per kilogram, smoked sausages remained unchanged at 5 rubles per kilogram. Vodka rose from 3.62 rubles per bottle to 5.43 rubles per bottle. The rise in food prices was due to a combination of factors including demand, weather, and the ongoing trade dispute with the West."

"That's interesting," Romanov replied, "But what I would like to know is what the state is doing to ensure that the public does not go hungry."

"Well, we have a state-run foodbank that distributes rations to those in need, and we will soon launch a subsidized grain bank. Once the state fully develops this industry, it is expected that the prices for basic goods will come down."

"Well, that is all good news, We have to make sure that people get everything they want from the stores that we run, but I still cannot help but feel that there is something the state could be doing to help ensure that public policy and private enterprise are in sync."

"Your point being?"

"Your report describes a situation where the market is reacting to a change in policy. But what of a situation where the policy is being dictated from the top down? In such a case, it is not the market that is being distorted, it is the very structure of the market. Consider the case of the planned economy. We should discuss the management of state-owned enterprises and the inspection law, and restore the mechanism of punishment and reward for food supply, so that the departments that fail to ensure the adequacy and health of food supply will first be warned and punished, and then dismissed for observation in case of food spoilage. Party members who ensure adequate food supply are recognized and rewarded, and there are mechanisms for promotion. In other words, the plan is driven by the needs of the system, and not the other way around."

"That is an interesting point," Pugo replied.

Romanov nodded and said, "So comrades, any more questions?"

Ligachev raised his hand and said, "Are we going to be able to import enough food to make up for the shortfall?"

"Yes, we are. As I said earlier, we will soon launch a subsidized grain bank to help mitigate the effects of a trade war. The U.S. imperialists want to create an economic crisis for us, and they will certainly raise or interrupt the prices of imported grain, as they did with Allende, and then hit the foreign exchange earnings of the Soviet Union and refuse to give us loans. In any case, we must not compromise and give in to capitalism! We must stand strong and fight, because we are the only force that can preserve socialism in the Soviet Union!"

"Yes, we must preserve socialism!" Bobkov said, pounding his fist into her palm.

"Yes, we must not allow the economy to fall into the American trap! We must restore discipline and order in all sectors of work! The KGB, together with the inspectorates and the propaganda and education departments, must do all they can to deal with the new crisis! We cannot continue to use rigid propaganda and education and tough management, we have to allow rock clubs and discos, etc., as appropriate, without violating socialism and anti-Sovietism. We have to be wary of intellectuals and liberals who enjoy privileges and have a reputation but have been dissatisfied with the real system and cannot allow the socialist revolution to be discredited."

"What are you suggesting?" Tikhonov asked.

"Comrades, we should be aware of the problems of the younger generation. These young people are the future of the country, but what do we hear young people talking about in churches and schools? Sex and entertainment! Is this something that young students who haven't even graduated from college should be concerned about? Of course, they are easily influenced by the culture and entertainment of capitalism. This is normal, young people like open games and movies. But we need to ensure that they are not being used as a tool for anti-social, revolutionary propaganda. We must not allow the intellectuals to influence our youth in terms of having a political awakening. That is a very dangerous path to take! We must not allow revisionists or fundamentalists to take root in our universities. We must combat the influence of the media on our youth! We must protect the minds of our young people! Is this not the task before us? Our most important social role? Our only role?"

"Yes, of course!" everyone said in unison.

"So, comrades," Romanov said. "Are we agreeing that such measures are necessary? That we should not allow for a political awakening among our youth? That we must combat the influence of the media?"

"Yes, yes, and more!" Tikhonov shouted.Romanov smiled and nodded and said, "Now, let's discuss the issue of allowances and pensions for the new socialist labor cadres."

In the Soviet period factory directors and local party leaders were paid between 50-60 rubles and 200-300 rubles per month, Soviet Communist Party district committee secretaries 1000 rubles, Soviet Communist Party oblast committee secretaries and ministers of departments 2000 rubles, and Politburo members 1500 rubles. The salary of the low-income group is 90-150 rubles, and the middle-income group is 300 rubles. For example, engineers 110-130 rubles, doctors 100-150 rubles, nurses 80-120 rubles. In addition to a basic salary, there are also allowances for housing, food, and private medical insurance.

It should be noted, however, that the Soviet Union set a ceiling on pensions to prevent excessive spending, but front-line workers and scientists received subsidized rubles if they received medals and commendations. This created a phenomenon against human nature, as some highly educated Soviet citizens went to work as front-line workers... At the same time, in terms of salaries and allowances, the top politburo cadres in the Soviet Union received only 10 times the salary of low-income people, and their pensions after retirement could be the same as those of front-line workers. What is even more tragic is that because of the socialist communal system of ownership in the Soviet Union, the guards, cars, cadre dachas, and power of the retired leaders are all taken back.

This seemed to the present-day Romanovs like a system for the mentally ill. Without high treatment for bureaucrats, how could the government expect them to defend itself when a crisis erupted? By revolutionary ideals?

The bureaucrats will surely answer that the Soviet Union is still with Valery Mikhailovich Sabrin that idealist to death.

"Increase the bonus for labor and integrity allowances for socialist labor cadres, factory directors and local party cadres in the range of 70-100 rubles to 300-500 rubles per month, Soviet district committee secretaries 2,000 rubles, Politburo members 3,000 rubles, and Soviet regional committee secretaries and ministers of departments 3,500 rubles. At the same time, retired members of the Central Advisory Council of the USSR maintain the same benefits as at the time of their retirement."

"And what about the 'laborers of the Soviet Union'?" a voice shouted.

"They will be paid a 'living wage' of 90 rubles and have free health care," Romanov answered.

"Isn't that already the case?" someone else asked.

"This isn't a discussion, comrades. The proposal has been made to the CPSU. The CPSU will decide whether to accept it or not. Now, let's get back to the main discussion."

"Yes, let's return to the discussion," Tikhonov said.

"Are we still deciding this now? What about the votes of the members? It was decided by a majority vote. We should..."

"Grigory Vasilyevich!" Olga Tregubova interrupted. "You are absolutely right. The time for a vote has come. All who are in favor of this motion, raise your hands."

All hands went up in the air.

"The ayes have it."

"There was a majority in favor," Olga Tregubova said, nodding her head. The votes came in and were cast unanimously in favor. The proposal was adopted.

"Now we move on to the next item on the agenda, which is ......," Tikhonov began, but Romanov interjected. "One more thing, how is the alcoholism and slacking situation now?"

Tikhonov was silent for a moment, then he said,"Alcoholism is widespread and is accompanied by other social problems of domestic violence. Idleness is also bad, with many workers coming to work two hours late, and the quality and efficiency of labor production is poor, except in the military industry. The number of worker accidents is high, especially in comparison with the productive workforce."

"Yes, we know that," Romanov said. "Anything else?"

"Nothing else."

Citizens of the Soviet Union had a long-standing problem with alcoholism, to the extent that some families had alcoholic couples... This led to a number of social conflicts and a decrease in labor productivity.

Both Kosygin and Andropov tried to solve this problem, Kosygin raised the prices of consumer alcoholic beverages, while Andropov used another method, limiting the time workers could buy alcohol and introducing a new variety of vodka that was only 3-4 rubles.

And historically Gorbachev came to power and chose to ban the use of alcohol except for special purposes such as medical alcohol through a prohibition called the anti-alcohol campaign...which led to the rapid growth of the black market and bootlegging, an underground economic force that later collaborated with the mob and government opposition.

I really don't understand why the Soviet leadership always thought that a direct and strong prohibition would solve the problem when they encountered it? Not to mention that a political entity is made up of people of different classes and ideologies.

This involves an important factor, the inconsistency of the top leader's directives after they have been implemented by the bureaucratic system. For example, Gorbachev's anti-alcohol campaign was meant to combat alcoholism, but bureaucrats bulldozed winemaking vineyards in Central Asia in pursuit of political success...Other phenomena illustrate what humans will do without the oversight of administrative mechanisms, such as the immediate cause of the Chernobyl nuclear power plant explosion.

It was a combination of bad information and poor communication on the part of the government that led to this problem.

"Should we conduct a prohibition campaign?" Zaikov, who was promoted to the Politburo by Romanov, asked tentatively, and Romanov shook his head, "No. Reducing alcohol production and sales would reduce state budget revenues, and from where would we fill the 10 billion ruble budget that might be reduced? The budget balance would be broken."

"Then why don't we just increase taxes then?" Zaikov asked.

"Because we want to see the revenues come in instead of just spending them. The state is not an accounting firm."

"Then what should we do?"

"Get rid of all the rules and regulations that hinder economic development."

"What would the state do without rules and regulations?"

"We would have to revert back to a system based on contracts and mutual exchanges of goods and services. A system that relies on trust."

"Which is unstable," Zaikov pointed out.

"So is a rocking horse. It's what we are stuck with for the moment. The sooner we adapt to it, the better." Romanov put down his pen and said, "The problem of alcoholism is in the hands of Comrade Kosolapov to publicize cases of alcoholism and increase the prices of consumer alcohol products to prevent excessive drinking. Any ideas on how to solve the problem of slackness?"

Tikhonov raised his hand. "Perhaps, if we reduce working hours, increase salaries, and give greater responsibility to those workers, we can increase the quality of work and increase productivity."

"That's what I was thinking," Romanov said. "The only problem is that laborers now have no material need for wealth, and the economic welfare and labor policies of the Soviet Union now make workers simply unwilling to work, and even if they slack off we can only force the police to supervise the work."

"What's your solution?" Zaikov asked.

"We are a country of the working class, a socialist communal state. We can't put people out of work, we can only reassign jobs by fining and demoting workers who are slacking off. And productivity must be increased through technological innovation and the creation of automated production lines."

"The creation of automated production lines is a good idea," Tikhonov said. "But we don't have the capital to create them with the necessary investment of government funds."

"Then why not look to the private sector?" Romanov asked.

"The private sector is a corrupt and inefficient sector where the rich and powerful take advantage of the working class. It's almost entirely run by big business and the state that protects them. We can't let them get away with such behavior. The private sector must be made to serve the collective, not the other way around."

"The private sector will not allow itself to be pushed around by the government, and we must only allow the establishment of non-entity private enterprises in the three Baltic states and Leningrad after application and approval by the Soviet government."

"That's a lot of territory to cover," Zaikov pointed out.

"True," Romanov admitted, "We need loans with American and Western European banks, but Reagan has instead asked international banks to raise interest rates on loans, a repeat of what the U.S. did to the Allende regime in Chile! Reagan intends to hit our foreign exchange earnings and try to deplete our international gold reserves and raise food prices to create a food shortage crisis, we should not compromise and give in to imperialist governments! But the Soviet Union needed international bank loans and the cessation and extension of exports of electronic equipment, computers and other advanced technology to the Soviet Union under the U.S.-dominated economic system, so we needed joint ventures with U.S. capital firms in the financial markets. But in order to prevent capital outflow and plunder, we limit joint ventures to the Baltic States and the Leningrad area, and transfer the Soviet-built electronics industry in the Baltic States to Leningrad."

Grishin inquired, "Just like Pepsi was in the Soviet Union?"

"Precisely!" Romanov said. "We should consolidate resources to establish various production consortia, while a few U.S. companies will be allowed to participate in the production and sale of specific Soviet products and require that they be restricted and their profits invested only in the Soviet market, and products such as Cuban cigars, Soviet vodka, and cultural industries such as movies from the ECCU can also be allowed to sell to the U.S. market."

"This makes sense," Tikhonov said. "The problem is that our industries and resources are already heavily taxed due to the need to compete against the excess capacity of the U.S. and Western Europe. To raise revenue we can eliminate a few tax deductions and increase taxes on imports and sales of natural resources, but that will harm an already struggling economy."

"Yes, that is a bit of a problem, but it is one that can be rectified," Romanov assured them.

"Perhaps we should look to raise revenue and cut expenses in tandem," Zaikov suggested.

"That would be a good idea, But military spending should not be reduced; instead, we should transform some military factories into productive light industry and productive heavy industry. In this way, we can both increase our national income and reduce the proportion of our GNP spent on military production," Romanov said.

"Hmm, I guess you're right," Tikhonov said. "Very well, I will speak to my colleagues of the Politburo to see what we can do."

"Good, good. The future MPS material goods balance sheet system of the National Statistical Committee is going to start counting GNP monetary values that are going to get rid of the loss of economic output that occurred several years ago. This will create a substantial increase in our GNP. The trick will be to increase our exports to compensate for the loss of foreign exchange, and the easiest way is to create more manufacturing jobs. I suggest that we begin the process of transforming some of our less essential industries into industries that can be more exportable. There are several obvious choices such as steel, coal, cement, chemicals, and even consumer goods, but we should begin with something that is more capital intensive than labor intensive. What do you think, comrades?"

"I think this is a very good idea," Tikhonov said. "I agree with Comrade Romanov on this."

"I agree as well," Grishin said.

"Great," Tikhonov said, and began to leave. "Tomorrow, we'll speak again."

The Soviet command economy was a very special economic system, in which consumer goods and industrial products were purchased and sold under a centralized system, and the materials needed by each production unit were purchased from the State Planning Committee in the form of a budget and at a "planned price". The purpose of production in a socialist planned economy is to create labor value, which is completely different from the profit-seeking market economy. Therefore, a market-oriented reform of the planned economy would result in a situation in which bureaucrats would no longer rely on the state budget for distribution but would sell materials and equipment at market prices higher than the planned prices.

At the same time, there was no GDP accounting system in the planned economy. That is, the Soviet planned economy accounted for GNP in the primary and secondary sectors, but not in the tertiary sector. Therefore, the Soviet planned economy system did not allow for the measurement of GDP and the development of a financial economy.

The structure of foreign trade and economic production in the Soviet Union was deformed and unbalanced, and there was a great lack of high-grade food, light industrial goods, and consumer products needed by the people, which allowed the United States to claim that the socialist system and planned economic development were wrong. It was as if the Soviet economy had stagnated simply because of the socialist and planned economy and sought to convince the Soviet people that the Soviet Union would return to prosperity and high economic growth after embracing capitalism and market economy and then entering the U.S. economic system. It was a political and propaganda campaign, in which the U.S. never failed to take advantage.

However, the economic growth of the Soviet Union stagnated at 2-3% growth rate in the unspecified period. So this is to be attributed all to a planned economy or ideology? Should we ignore the trade and technical barriers between the Soviet Union and the respective economic regional blocs dominated by the United States, the misguided economic policies and wrong state policies, the low food production in high latitudes and economic construction, the cost of development, etc.?

And if the economic system, which has been operating for decades, should be abandoned in a few years and a whole independent industrial system destroyed because of the stagnation of economic growth and shortage of high-class consumer goods, then there would not be any industrial country now.

Or maybe the problem is the way the U.S. has been conducting its economic and trade policy towards the Soviet Union?

In any case, while capitalism refers to the stagnation of socialism and ignores the miserable lives of poor families in Latin America, Africa and Southeast Asia, leaving hundreds of millions of people in the Soviet Union to privatize reforms and leaving countless people facing unemployment and meager benefits, the ruble to dollar exchange rate devalued to 5,562 rubles to the dollar in 1997, countless girls working in the sex industry to earn a living...many Many people became homeless. Slums and gangs spread throughout the country, and the security and administrative services were defeated by corruption and reality.

Gang lynchings, drug abuse, human trafficking, and the uncountable number of young girls who were introduced by gangs and strangers to Western Europe and imprisoned or killed.

The following are the results of decades of failed economic and social policies that only grew in the shadow of the Cold War. The state and it's organs were instruments for the ruling class to wield power in a way that benefited them, not the people. The state became not just the institution of oppression, but also a tool for oppression, and not an institution of the revolutionary class, but a tool of reaction. Not a tool for progress, but a tool for oppression.

The system was rotten to the core, and the revolutions of 1989 and the reforms of the 1990s merely served to speed the rot and deepen the crisis.

Capitalism, which is all about profit, limits the change of relations of production by the developed productive forces and enslaves and exploits all mankind. It is a system of accumulation by dispossession, oppression, and parasitism.

The post-war consensus, the idea that capitalism and the state are natural, permanent, and good, gave way to the end of the Cold War as the world realized that it had been deceived and that only a fundamental reorganization of the economic and social order can save humanity from this crisis.

When social productivity can achieve unmanned automated production, there will be a more advanced form of society than capitalism and socialism. At that time, capitalism will be extinguished. History must move forward and mankind must be free from the slavery of finance and capitalism.

One day, mankind will definitely realize a social structure based on demand, and mankind will be free to pursue and satisfy self-fulfillment.

When that day arrives, the revolutionary movement will be ready to take power and establish a new world order.

But this is not that day, this is not that time.

When all Politburo members left Kremlin Building 14, Romanov asked KGB Chairman Bobkov to stay with Foreign Minister Troyanovsky.

"Comrade Troyanovsky, how did your visit in China turn out?" Romanov asked, putting down the computer department's report, which he skimmed through.

"They put up a good fight. They could've been more helpful though. I think we'll have to make some concession to avoid any further escalation."

"In other words, no war, and no change," Romanov said.

Troyanovsky shook his head and said, "No, although the Chinese Communist Party is still engaged in a border conflict with the Vietnamese Communist Party. However, market-oriented reforms are already underway under Deng Xiaoping's leadership. The situation is bad, and security continues to deteriorate. Large numbers of people who had entered the countryside from the Maoist era returned to the cities, while open cultural productions and social dance parties influenced the youth. The Communist Party's current crackdown on criminality has also resulted in a number of wrongful convictions. There are many factors that have undermined the party's authority."

"Yes, you're right. We should avoid making any unnecessary provocations. The Chinese Communist Party's crackdown on ballroom dancing is similar to our regulation of rock and roll?"

Troyanovsky smiled weakly. "Not exactly, but the analogy is clear."

"China looks like law and order will be chaotic for a while, what about their political and economic reforms?"

"It's hard to say, Deng Xiaoping seems to want the reforms to stay on the economic level, while Zhao Ziyang is more focused on the political level. I think at this point, both sides are biding their time."

"Biding their time, or playing a game?"

"Perhaps both. You must realize this, this is very dangerous situation. If we're not careful, a border war could start that could cause millions of deaths and destroy the world economy. We don't have the resources to sustain such a protracted conflict, nor do we want to. It's important that we find a way to keep the peace."

"How?" Romanov asked, "By not interfering. By letting the political leaders figure this out."

"Yes, perhaps, if we stay hands off, they'll work it out. However, we have to consider the fact the Chinese government has been unable to maintain social order. The price reforms it carried out in turn caused a large increase in prices. These types of reforms coupled with the ongoing economic reforms have increased the gap between rich and poor. The situation is volatile and could get worse."

"Yeah, and? This is why we need a change in government, not the status quo." Romanov nodded and said, "After that, the Chinese government's abandonment of the planned economy will certainly result in layoffs and equipment trafficking for workers in state-run enterprises other than those it maintains. We obtain this industrial equipment through smuggling. As for, the workers it laid off... Well, let's just say we won't be recruiting."

"...You think that we should help them?" Troyanovsky asked, sounding shocked.

"Help who? This is an internal matter for the Chinese government, and it will also show the Soviet people what happens when capitalism is restored. We will later be able to find out how many workers laid off from China's planned economy factories will commit suicide or go to China's southeastern coast to become slaves under sweatshop exploitation. Drugs and brothels will also reappear in China."

Troyanovsky nodded. "Yes, you're right. We'll let them figure it out, or at least keep their economy from collapsing. It's not our place to interfere, only to watch their experiment."

"Well, Comrade Troyanovsky you can go now. Get some rest and take care of your health."

Troyanovsky stood, and said, "Yes, I will. Thank you, Comrade." He saluted and left.

"He was a good man," Romanov said. "He always knew how to put his Party before himself. However, I think he was tired of the Party's lies and corruption. What we need is a more radical approach. Perhaps a splinter group of hardliners could stage a coup, while we support them? We need to consider this option."

"Supporting a coup by hardliners within the Chinese Communist Party? That's hard to achieve." Bobkov said thoughtfully, and Romanov nodded and said, "We can plan for the long term and bide our time."

"For now, we should avoid any unnecessary conflict with China. If they have learned one thing, it's that we don't want to go to war with them. Our economic interests are tied up with them. A border conflict would be mutually destructive."

"Perhaps some trade concessions?"

"Yes, that's probably a good idea. However, we can't give them too much. They'll have to be learning about our internal politics. We can't have the press and the people getting too excited, or they will certainly demand more than we can give. They need to accept that we are a superpower that is above their petty squabbles."

"Well, if only Khrushchev had not criticized Stalin at the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the Chinese Communist Party could have been in charge of agriculture and light industry in our economic system." Romanov cursed Khrushchev again in his mind.

"A period of increased trade may be useful. We'll have to carefully manage the press to avoid a panic. It would also be helpful to have a few high-profile defections to use as propaganda. However, as a general rule, we should avoid anything that draws attention to our diplomatic corps. A few minor border clashes now and again would probably be enough to keep everyone's mind off the real issues. We don't need another revolution. The Chinese Communist Party is more than capable of taking charge of China's future. There is no need for us to interfere."

"You're right, speaking of defectors I wonder if it's possible to gather together opposition, criminals, and psychopaths from Warsaw Pact and ECC countries and have them smuggled into Western Europe like they did in Cuba?"

"It is possible. However, do you really think that would be wise?"

"No, but what other choice do we have? If we don't do anything, the situation will only get worse." Romanov put out his cigarette and said, "Anyway, our opposition is going to oppose whoever is in power. How about, throwing them all to West Germany. By the way, we can also charge a fee to help smuggle Middle Eastern refugees and Afghans into Western Europe. Of course, what happens to them after they go over is not our business."

"It might be a good idea. On the other hand, what happens if those refugees and Afghans decide to overthrow the government of France and Germany? "

"An Islamized Western Europe? We can imagine that this would stop the window-dressing propaganda offensive of Western Europe against Eastern Europe." Romanov smiled and added, "By the way, could the KGB try to produce some Western European pornographic films with erotica."

"I wouldn't be surprised."

"They could call them the Red Film Commission."

"Of course."

Romanov stood, and said, "Prostitutes were found in Western Europe and Southeast Asia to produce and print pornographic films, books and magazines, which were smuggled into Europe. The European version added nationalist and racist rhetoric to degrade and discredit immigrants, and the Soviet version in circulation was to add reverse nationalist content, such as racist liberal rhetoric and the stomping and burning of the Soviet red flag and the overthrow of Lenin's statue. We should organize a mission to liberate the media and pornographic film industry."

"I think you're being a little dramatic. However, you're right in a way. We definitely need to do something about this.""Now, it's late, so I better get to my bed. Good night, Bobkov."

"Good night, General Secretary."

With that, Romanov left the room.

Bobkov, still deep in thought, sat for a few moments before he got up and left as well.

Romanov returned to his own office in the Kremlin Senate, and Tregubova followed him to his office.

"What happened?" She asked, "Did you resolve the problem with the Chinese?"

"I did."

"What did you decide?" She asked, her face showing her apprehension.

Romanov sat in his office chair and stared at her and said, "What are you asking here?"

"I want to know what you decided."

"I'm still thinking about it, what do you think about the People's Republic of China?" Romanov asked as he closed his eyes and pressed them, feeling that staying up late had given him a headache with myopia.

"I'm asking what you decided because you're the head of the KGB, and the head of a powerful secret police organization. You might

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